THE

JOURNAL

OF THE

HYDERABAD ARCH/EOLOGICAL

SOCIETY

RAMA VARNA RESEARCH KiOTITUTE.

TRICHUR. COCHIN STATE.

THE JOURNAL OF THE HYDERABAD ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE

JOURNAL

OF THE

HYDERABAD ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

FOR 191ft

Published by the Society

I’HIN TRI> A I I IIR TIMES PRESS, BOMBAY

THE

HYDERABAD ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Patron

His Exalted Highness Asaf Jah, Muzaffar-ul-Jlulk wal Mamalik, Xizaiu-ul-.Midk. Nizani-ud-Daula, Xawab Si/ Mir I'sman Alt Kh&n Bahadur, Fateh Jang, the Faithful Ally of the British Government,

G.C.I.E., O.B.E.

Council of Management for 1918.

(1) The Hon'ble Sir Stuart Fraser, k.c.s.i..

Oil. (Pr^nidenl).

(2) R. I. R. Olancy, Esq., O.I.E., i.c.s.

(3) The Nawab Sir Farid un-ul-Mulk Bahadur,

E.C.I.B, C.8.I.

(4) M. A. X Hydari, Esq.

(.5) A. C. Lankin, Eeq., 0.8.1., C.I.E.

<«) G. E. C. Wakefield, Esq.

(7) Fakhr-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, Esq. (Hon.

Treasurer).

(8) 8. Ross Masud, Esq., m.a., Bar.-at-l.aw,

(9) Karamat Ullah Khan, Esq., f.c.h.

(10) Dr. E. H. Hunt, m.a., f.r.c.s., etc.

(11) P. A. Bhaunani, Esq., c.E.

(12) G. Yazdani, Esq. (Hon. Secretary).

THE JOURNAL or

THE HYDERABAD ARCHEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

CONTENTS FOR 1918.

Articles.

PAGE

1 Monsieur Raymond or Hyderabad.

By A. G. McClay 1

II Old Masulipatam. By T. 8tree-

ntvas, Bar.-at-Law .. 17

111 Mabur : Its History and Monuments.

By G. Yazdani 48

IV The Siege and Capture of Goloon- da. By Professor Jadu Nath Sarkar, m.a., p.R.s., etc 60

V The date of Sultan Quu Qltb-ul- Mulk’s assuming the title or Shah. By G. Yazdani .. .. 89

Miscellaneous.

The date or 'Abdullah Outb Shah’s death. 9fl Proceedings or the Society (April 1917 to April 1918)

• «

97

LI8T OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PLATE TITLE TO PACE

PAOE

1 The Nizam’s Camp 6

II Raymond’s Gun Foundry, Path

Maidan 10

III Flags of the French Brigades in

the service of the Nizam .. 13

IV Raymond’s Tomb : showing obeusk

BTC 14

V Raymond’s Tomb : the obelisk .. 16 VI Map showing Places included in

the old Sarkar of Mahur . . 61

VII Plan of the newly discovered Traimg at Mahur

54

Journal of the Hyderabad Arch£eol6gical Society, 1918.

No. 4. January.

I

MONSIEUR RAYMOND.

By A. 0. SIcClay, M.R.A.S.

( Paper read on 8 Ik September, 1917.)

The story of Monsieur Raymond carries us back to the tumultuous times of the eighteenth century, when the conditions of life in India were strange and startling and it was possible for a stout, free heart to set the bounds of its own wide horizon. It was the olden time, 44 Ere human statute purged the gentle weal ”, as Macbeth says.

Michel Joachim Marie Raymond, or Francois Raymond as he is sometimes named, was bom at Serignac in Gascony in March 1733. Following in the footsteps of his father, who was a merchant, the son determined to establish a business in India. Accordingly he set out in January 1775, when he was barely twenty years old, from Lorient for Pondi- cherry.* But he soon exchanged the pen for the sword.

* 1 oi4/ hero dn« a:t*et-on to 4 nnsounruplion whiih occurs fiuMctimra with reference to Raymond and Pondicherry Id J. H. Crofcc # li.yuj* to tki E*ti /Wit/, VoJ. II. pi$c :!»7, it U Mated that Onerd LoOy, writing frow JVmlicbwry cm 0* 2rwl .fauunry l-bl, vlien ilritiali were blockading tb« b&rbowr during t ho rirgr, RaynnrfKl. who

W4a then Krcnrh Resident 4t the Dutch ra*t*Jtfy>ciit of frlieot, to .vend •• chilli iigocs u poo chcLi^on loaded with rice" tu IWLchcrr). The k44«r n.i* i n u r< opted by the British and Pondicherry surrendered to them a fortnight huor. Grose it 4|«iU corti-vt but, afeoun*, it i» nut Mkhrft Raymond thiil he refer* to : e ar hero wra* about ft yam old then. ] a-n in do bled to the Rer. F&thnr H. *'o!l» for il# reference to Crus*.

2

In 1778 Great Britain declared war with the French Government, who were openly abetting the revolted colonics in North America. On receipt of the news the authorities at Fort St. George despatched a force to besiege Pondicherry, which capitulated after a respectable defence ; and Raymond, with Lally and other adventurous men, resorted to Mysore, where he enrolled in the service of Haidar Ali, the usurper of that State and irreconcilable enemy of the British. He joined Haidar Ali as a Sub- Lieutenant in the battalion commanded by Chevalier de Lass£, and with this regiment he fought throughout the campaigns of the war which began in 1780 against the British for the pot»scssion of South India.

In 1783 the famous Patisaier, Known in Indian his- tory as “ Marquis de Bussy-Castclnau,” had returned, under orders from Louis XVI, to the country where he won so much distinction twenty years Ik- fore, and he was now, with shattered health and a mind enfeebled by long years of high living and plain thinking, engaged in a hopeless contest with Sir Eyre Coote, the famous general who had fought under C’livc at Plassy. Raymond’s old employer, Haidar Ali, having died recently, the Frenchman, who was now a captain, was free to accept an ap- pointment that was offered to him, in 1783, as axde- de-camp on Bussy's stuff. He participated in all actions under Bussy, with whom he remained until the latter's death at Pondicherry in January 1783. Raymond then betook himself to the capital of the Nizam, where, according to Kecue, he first joined Basalat Jang, the Nizam's brother. In any case, in 1786 he entered the service of the Nizam, succeed- ing the younger Lally, a nephew of the famous

3

general, who also had passed from Basalat Jang to the Nizam.

Up to this time Raymond could claim no great distinction as a soldier, but he possessed temper, talent and character, all of which had become known and, in the time and circumstances open to him, eventually raised him to a position in Hydera- bad similar to that which de Boigne created lor himself in the North. The Subedar of the Deccan had never been without French officers in his service since the palmy dap of Bossy, in 1751. Before Raymond’s arrival at Hyderabad, the foreign adven- turers employed by the Nizam constituted a single corps of cavalry. Raymond conceived the idea of raising and drilling in European fashion a large body of native troops, who would lie officered by the Europeans already in the service of the State. He began with three hundred men, and we are told that he hired their arms from a French merchant of the town at the rate of eight annas, or one shilling and throe pence, per weapon jicr mensem. When the confederate war against Tipu broke out, in 1790, Raymond had seven hundred men, with whom he distinguished himself sufficiently to win the favour of the Nizam, who permitted the corps to expand to 5,000 and raised Raymond’s pay to Its. 5,000 a month : and early in 1795 Raymond had at least. 11,000 well-disciplined troops, commanded by one hundred and twenty-four European officers. He worked hard to mature this force, for the mainten- ance of which he secured substantial territorial assignments; but, as we shall see, their principal attempt in the field was unfortunate.

In the Deccan the year 1 795 was rendered mentor-

4

able by a great batUe between the Nizam and the Mahrattas. There were many old-standing questions for settlement between the two parties, and latterly Nizam Ali of Hyderabad had been in dispute with the Mahrattas over their demand for the chauth, or fourth part of the revenues, of Bidar. Moreover, it was an open secret that the Mahrattas aspired to complete mastery over the Nizam, and in the back- ground there loomed with disquieting persistency a threatened alliance between them and Tipu. But their own house was not in order, and the unsettled condition of affairs at the court of the Pcehwa aroused the ambition of the Nizam, who was induced to believe that this was a suitable opportunity to revive the power of the Muhammadan rule in Poona. The relations existing at that time between the Nizam and the East India Company were not all that could be desired : they may be described briefly as an alliance that entailed certain governmental responsibilities on the latter, but held no commercial advantages for a trading company. The Nizam requested that the British Subsidiary Force with which he was conditionally supplied should be aug- mented and made available for offensive purposes, basing his request on the 10th article of the Treaty of I’aungul (Pangal), 1790. But the Governor-General, Sir John Shore, desired to keep aloof from this internecine quarrel. The treaty had been designed to secure a combination of the English, Mahrattas and the Nizam against the machinations of Tipu, and Sir John Shore held, very wrongly as we know, that the defection of one of the parties from a tri- partite alliance, offensive and defensive, cancelled the obligation of the remaining party. He assured

5

the Nizam that the Company would fulfil all their obligations under existing treaties, but that their troops could not be used for other than mediatorial offices. Dissatisfied with this reply, the Nizam had per- force to resort to his domestic levies under the com- mand of Raymond. Including Raymond's troops, the Nizam assembled an army of 43,540 infantry, 44,050 cavalry and one hundred and eight guns, and on the 10th March 1795 advanced from Bidar, along the banks of the Manjra.to the Mahratta frontier (Plate I). Great things were expected from this war, which was extremely popular with the Mughals. The soldiers indulged in the wildest gasconade, and it would seeni from Persian and Mahratta manuscripts that even the Prime Minister forgot his dignity so far as to say, before a public assembly, “that the Mughals should be freed from tbo Mahratta encroachments, that they should recover Bijupur and Kliandcdi, or they would never grant peace until they had despatched the Peshwa to Benares, vdth his cloth about his loins and a pot of water in his hand, to mutter incantations on the banks of the Ganges."

To meet the invasion the Peshwa summoned his vassal chieftains and faced the foe with an army of 73, GOO infantry, 38,000 cavalry and 102 guns, includ- ing, according to A lu lies on, about 18,0u0 troops from the French brigades of Perron, Pilose, and others. Besides, there were 10,000 Pmdaris. The battle is notable as the last occasion on which the old struggles that began under Aurangzcb attained a historical character. It was also the last occasion on which the great standard of the Mahratta empire floated over a united confederacy. On the one side marched the descendant of Chin Qalich, leading

6

a vast force of the old, mediaeval kind, and on the other side the Mahratta chiefs assembled, as they would never assemble again, under the banner of the Ptthwa. The two armies met midway between the forts of Kardla and Parenda, about sixty miles from Ahmad nagar and a few marches south-east of Poona, which city would liavc been at the mercy of the MughnLs if they had prevailed over the Mabrattas. There is some difference of opinion about the exact date of the battle. JIaDeson and Duff contend that it took place on the 12th March 1795, but other historians, including Fraser and Ilollinglierry, who were at Hyderabad a few years after the event, favour the Ilth as the correct date. The Mahratta army was encamped on the slopes of the Parenda pass, the artillery being skilfully disposed on the heights above, while the Mughals oc-cupicd the plain between the pass and the village of Kardla. The Mughals had the disadvantage of advancing from lower ground ; but they com- manded space for cavalry operations, and when the advanced guards of the two armies met the Mughal horsemen by a bold dash rolled up the Mahratta right and centre. But while they were pressing forward to the support of Raymond, whose infantry has engaged Perron's troops, they were assailed by Raghuji Bhonsla with a shower of rockets and had to face some round shot from Perron's guns. This routed the Mughal cavalry. At the other end of the line Raymond's infantry had progressed steadily, encountering a heavy lire from Perrons batteries on the heights, and the battle developed into a duel between the two Frenchmen, Raymond endeavouring to storm the pass and

7

Perron determined to defend it. The equipoise of western skill and methods might have made the result of the battle less decisive if Raymond, who by then had obtained some advantage over Perron's battalions, liad not been ordered to retire. After the Asiatic manner, the aged Nixara trusted only to his cavalry. He had taken alarm at their flight and insisted on retreat, and Raymond's escort being essential to cover it, the latter was obliged to with- draw unwillingly from the contest. But he effected his retirement in good order. It is not easy to determine exactly why the retreat was carried to the gates of Kardla fort: perhaps the fate of the battle was decided by one of those domestic consi- derations which often had a preponderating influence in Asiatic contests. It is clear, however, that on the following day the Nizam and his ladies were secure in the small fortress, which was invested by the Mahratta army. Briggs. Mill, Marsh man and others incline to the opinion that the Nizam entered the fort under the influence of the ladies, for accord- ing to the custom of the time the royal harem went with the camp ; and Beveridge asserts that the favourite lady took fright and threatened to break her goaha if the Nizam did not instantly seek the shelter of the fort. Duff gives us another version of the affair. He says that, the Mughal army bivo- uaced on the plain, some distance from the scene of the day's operations. During the night a small patrol of Mahrattas in search of water for their horses came to a stream where lay an outpost of the Mughals, who instantly fired on them. Raymond’s sentries, who were a little behind, also fired, and the whole line, suddenly awakened from sleep, discharged

8

their mnskets in an irregular volley. This occasioned a general alarm, and the Nizam with the ladies in great consternation sought safety in the fort. And so the day was lost. The Nizam’s army had retreated without fighting a battle or even suffering anything worthy of being called discomfiture. Duff calculated that scarcely two hundred men were lost on both sides in the actual battle, though a larger number of Mughal* was killed in the retreat and during the defence of the fort, in which Raymond’s troops had to face odds. Fraser asserted that the total casualties did not amount to more than 3,000. After two days in the fort the Nizam sought nrd obtained cessation of arms, and came to peace with the Muhruttas on terms which they dictated. He agreed to pay three crores of rupees, besides ceding territory yielding a revenue of thirty-five lakhs a year, namely, Daulatabad, the key of the Deccan, and such part of those districts occupied by da shiv Rao Bbao in 1700 as had been restored to Nizani Ali. As a pledge for the fulfilment of those stringent terms the Nizam had to deliver as hostage his Minister, Azim-ul Umarnh, better known ns Mir Alam. The treaty was concluded on the 13th March 1795, and the Nizam returned to Hyderabad in the following May.

The Mahrattns had gained a great victory. For the time the Nizam was completely at their mercy, and it was only the internal purtisan troubles of the Mabrattas that restrained them later on from further aggression. Indeed, the unhappy movements of this war would have utterly destroyed the Mughal power in the Dm an had not two events happened soon

9

after to relax the tension, viz., the rebellion of tie heir-apparent, Ali Jah, in June 1795 and the death of the Peshwa in October that year. The demise occasioned great dissensions at Poona over the choice of a new Peshwa, and in the intrigues that followed Mir Alam succeeded in obtaining his release from Puresham Bhao, who was- then chief minister, and in having reduced to one-fourth the indemnity imposed at Kardla.

During the Nizam's absence in the field the battal- ions of sepoys provided by the East India Company had been employed in preserving the tranquility of the city against neighbouring zemindars. But the Nizam was incensed by the neutrality of the British, and in June 1795 he requested to be relieved of the sepoy battalions and ordered large increases in Raymond's troops for the support of which he assigned the district of Karpah, on the frontier of the Company’s possessions. In this matter, however, the British intervened, for Raymond was known to be inclose touch with France and Tipu, and to leave him master of Karpah would have enabled him to cooperate with any French force making a descent on the Curomandal coast, with or without the per- mission of the Nizam. All together, the policy of the Nizam after the campaign might have changed the course of history if immediate local ami family needs had not necessitated the recall of the sepoys, for even if they could not be used to disturb the judicious political balance of the Deccan, they gave that prince importance as well as security.

The Nizam's heir-apparent, Ali Jah, for some time had lived in disgrace at his fathers court.

10

On the night of the 28th June 1795 he escaped from the capital and fled to Bidar, where ho seized the fort and was joined by Sadashivrao Reddy, the Zemindar of Medak, and Nizam-ul-Mulk, the Subedar of Hyderabad and son-in-law of the Nizam. He soon collected a following under his standard and was able to present a somewhat formidable front of quite 20,000 horse and foot to his outraged parent. Raymond’s next service was in suppressing this rebellion. He did not have much trouble in doing so. After a few’ skirmishes Ali Jah fled to Aurangabad, where he was captured. He committed suicide on the way to Hyderabad as a prisoner. Fraser says the event occurred on the 22nd November 1795 at Khair, on the banks of the God* very, and that it was due to the prince swallowing pounded diamonds. Ac- cording to Hollmgberry, who was at the Residency in 1797, Sadashivrao Reddy was confined in Golconda and his jagir was given to Raymond. Very soon after Dara Jah, another son of tho Nizam, rebelled at Raichur, but this was reduced by an English detachment under Colonel James Dalrymple.

In 1796 Raymond was appointed Amin Jinai, or Comptroller of Ordnance, the w’hole of which depart- ment was to be under his expert guidance. He made his own guns and ammunition, and in the Top ka Sancha, near the Fath Haitian, we have the remains of the best, known of his foundries (Plate II).

Raymond was a great intriguer and was therefore courted by all part ies. Being imbued with the social- istic and revolutionary opinions of the French at home, he was prepared to assist in any enterprise by which France might gain a footing in India. In the {day of

Raymond's orx nn amcv, fatIi maidan

11

conflicting intercats in the court of the Nizam, Ray- mond found ample scope for the exercise of his ingenu- ity. Apart from such excitements he pursued his life useful service until his death, quite suddenly and in the plenitude of his power, on the 25th March 1798, in time to l>e spared the pain of seeing the abolition of the trained force for which he had done so much. For the times were critical and Lord Momington.who had just assumed the office of Governor-General, which ho was afterwards to render so illustrious under his later title of Marquis of Wellesley, had a grave combination to encounter. Zaman Shall, the Afglian monarch of Kabul, threatened to invade India : the zealot Tipu in Mysore was scheming to gratify his vindictiveness : in Hindustan the French general Perron, a good soldier but feeble politician, had taken the place of the friendly DcBoigne, whose administration was both equitable and vigilant : in the Deccan an unscrupulous traitor, Baji Ran Peshwn, held power at Poona : and in Hyderabad no dependance could be placed on any alliance with the Nizam until his French connexions had been severed. There was no time for sentiment. The Minister, Mir Alam, on his return to Hyderabad had been alarmed at the ascendancy which the French officers gained during his absence. He resumed the lands allotted for their maintenance and several limes proposed to the Resident the substitution of a subsidiary force for the French battalions. The proposals were negatived by the then Governor- General, Sir John Shore, but Lord Mornington welcomed the opportunity to arrive at some stability so far, at least, as the Nizam was concerned. Ac- cordingly a treaty was concluded on the 1st Septem-

13

her 1798, which stipulated that, in return for an annual payment of twenty -four lakhs by the State, the British subsidiary force would be increased to 6,000 infantry and a proportion of artillery ; that the French corps were to be disbanded and the officers made over to the British Government to be returned to Europe as prisoners of war. It was realised that the disbandonment of the corps was fraught with difficulties and a certain amount of danger, and to guard against eventualities, two detachments of British troops under Colonels Roberts and Hyndman took up positions in front and rear of the French lines on the 20th October, 1798. On the following day the Nizam's orders were read. The result was a mutiny in the lines and the French officers were made prisoners by their own men. As a matter of fact the proclamation only hastened tiie insurrection, for the men had not l>een paid for some time and were already on the verge of rebellion. Captain Malcolm, who lived to be the most famous of all soldier-diplomats, undertook the delicate office of seeing the thing through. Oh the 22nd October Colonel Roberts moved his soldiere closer up in front of the French lines, while Colonel Hyndman was in the rear and parties of cavalry guarded both flanks. When the mutineers were assured that their arrears of pay would be forth- coming they sunendered to their officers and walked out of their lines, leaving their arms behind them. About 15,000 men with an efficient park of artillery were thus disbandoned, and we have the authority of Temple for the statement that the Imrat Lai Corps, so named after its Commander, was formed not of the disbandoned force.

1*1. v 1 1 III

13

So ended the work of Michel Raymond. lie waa a true son of France. His army, commanded by men of the most pronounced and notorious principles of Jacobinism, was the basis of the French party in India. Indeed, Raymond affected to consider his soldiers as a body of French troops, employed and subsidized by the Nizam. He was received in his own cantonments with a royal salute : his soldiers wore the cap of liberty engraved on their buttons : and his regimental returns were headed "Corps Francois de Raymond."* The one dream of his life was to develop the schemes of Dupleix, of Lolly and of Suffren. He deserves to be ranked with thoae warriors in the hierarchy of patriotic Frenchmen. Kirkpatrick, Beatson, Fraser, the Marquis of Wel- lesley speak of him more or less adversely ; Thorn, Kaye, Keene, Malcolm, Marshman, Beveridge, Hol- lingberry, are fair ; and Malleson, who collected and digested his facts on the spot, concludes his eulogy by saying : “ No European of mark who preceded him, no European of mark who followed him in India, ever succeeded in gaining to such an extent the love, the esteem, the admiration of the natives of the country.” Undoubtedly he was a product of his age, but there is ample ovidence that he was brave and affable, and possibly generous, and to great, mental abilities he united the most consum- mate prudence. Starting from a humble beginning he rose to immense political power. It U true that he succeeded to a very eminent position by favour of fortune and intrigue, but he held and improved bis station by his own energy and determination. The process of rehabilitation is never easy. Judged

• Sc* Plate III. One of Raymond's tUge in preserved at Biliar.

14

by the standards of one century the noblest charac- ters of an earlier one loose much of their lustre, while the baser reputations become refined with tho passing of time ; judged by the standards of to-day there is probably no illustrious man of three or four centuries ago whose actions could meet the test at all points. And although Raymond’s character has been variously estimated, and it is difficult now to say which way the balance lies, at least he claims as much from our generosity as from our impartiality. I have not attempted to investigate the causes which gave him his hold on the affections of the people, but the fact remains that by Hindus he is venerated as Musa Ram and bv Muhammadans as Musa Rahim , and on each anniversary of his death a large fair is held, when his tomb is illuminated and salutes are fired in his honour by the irregular troops. Truly, nowhere is Carlyle’s doctrine of hero-worship better illustrated than in India, for the history of the country is a his- tory not of institutions but of men, the leaders, religious and secular, of the people from age to age.

On the Myseram*1 Tekkedy, a little to the south of Usmangarh, stands the simple monument which keeps his memory fresh in countless hearts who honour the man their forefathers loved. The hill, which rises 100 feet above the level of the surrounding country, is about half a mile from the French Gardens

• The word My»cr»nt, n are I old, represent* the old native proeimcjn* MOW of I he union Muflftiinir Raymond ; and I have *ren it elated Out tl* MvACfam regimen' wa» narord after Raymond. Knwnb Imod ul Walk U'Lk inc that tho formation of tbit* regiment by Sir Solar Jung I. tomo time in ihr retentive la within hie personal recoOection, and that the regiment look Hu name from the My re ram Tillage, wbek lias about ten mlkft «outh of Hyderabad. 1 ha to not boon able to aacerUin whether, in earlier day*, the Tillage erne named ef ire Raymond.

Plate V.

RAYMONDS TOMR

THE OBELISK

15

where Raymond lived with his officers. The tomb is an obelisk of black granite, standing in the centre of a masonry platform 180 feet long and 85 feet wide (Plate IV). There is no lengthy inscription to com- memorate the worth of the departed, although four slabs were let in, one on each face of the obelisk, apparently for the purpose (Plate V). Above each of these slabs is a small tablet hearing the initials “ J. R.,” surely a very simple equivalent for those two narrow words Ate jacel. To the west of the obelisk, about twenty-five feet away, is a small flat roofed building, supported by twenty-eight pillars, forming a shrine similar to a Grecian temple. It is said to cover Raymond’s viscera. On the pediment of this building is a carving of the Nizam's flag, surmounted by a cross (Plate IV). Standing on the platform one obtains a pleasing view of the surrounding country, with a spirit of insistent peace brooding over the scene. Wide fields with softly swelling lines lead the eye through a juixed pro- fusion of derelict garden.1', housetops, minarets and domes, to the belt of low-lying hills rising on their verge. On one green mountain stands Falak- numa ; Golconda names another ; while to the west the city of Hyderabad spreads out in dim ooufusion. To the north lie the suburbs of Chaddarghat, with Secundarabad and Trimulgherry forming a distant continuation of the view, and on the east Is Sarur- nagar, enlivened by a fine sheet of water. The place is a remnant of the older world, of the quiet sequestered existence of the countryside. Every- thing seems to be living the untroubled life of nature, with no thought of death, or care or sorrow. And there we part from him, in the midst of the sur-

16

roundings where he lived and laboored, taking with us an impression of tranquilising beauty for the mind to traffic with, rid of the tiresome complexities that so often poison retrospect, leaving only the pure residue of sympathetic thought.

II

OLD MASULI l’ AT AM .*

UY T. STHEEMVAS.

Masulipatam, the headquarters of the present District of Kistna in the Presidency of Madras, is of interest to us, not only as one of those places where the early European traders established themselves, but also as having once been under the sway of the Nizams of Hyderabad.

Some authorities suggest that Masolia, the port mentioned by ancient Creek geographers on the Coromandel Coast, as having been the point to which caravan traffic extended from Persia and the emporium where ships sailed to the " (J olden Chersonese,” may possibly be the modem Masnlipatam. A legend has it that Masulipatam was founded in the 14th century by a colony of Arabs (Orme). In the days of the East India Company it was known as “ Metchlepa- tam ” and is now called “ Machileepattanamu ” in Telugti, the Sanskrit name being ,s Matsyapuri ” or ” the Fish City." The following legend accounts for such a name : —

In ancient da vs there lived a fisherman here who used to put out to sea every evening immediately

• Hitftrtl •» fa«U BUtlii'rtU Ifvu> Grant'* PuDtitvl &*rrcy of the Xorlbcrn Cinurr, Xk Hr port. District Jfonml. I m per is! Uautittr cf h%d>u.

B*rr.icr < Tmcst*. Tnr.-rm**'* 7V*«vl« is h»4is. 4i<.. and pfr»o*al Ifirritt- gMiuit. i

18

after dusk, and after fiahmg the whole night return home early in the morning with his catch, which his women would take to the market for sale. When he grew old he retired from this active life, his place being taken by his five sons whom he had already trained to his occupation. The sons also used to work at night returning home in the morning with the fruits of their labour, their wives disposing of the fish in the market. The old man, now a widower, used to be served his meals by his daughters-in-law. By degrees the old man began complaining to his daughters-in-law while they served him his mealR that his sons were growing lazy, that the fish they brought home were very small and that in his days lie would have been ashamed to return home with such poor hauls. The women at first ignored these gni mhlings of the old man, who they thought had grown senile, but when his grunts and growls became unbearable, they informed the young men of their father's bitter complaints. The poor fellows, who were really doing their best, thereupon asked the old man to explain his conduct. Their straight talk riled the old man who called them idlers and vaga- bonds and told them that he would go with them to sea and show them what he could do. He ordered then) to procure a big pot and plenty of oil and with some rags of cloth he made a stout wick which he kept soaked in the oil. That evening at the usual time he started with all his sons, taking the oil pot with the wick in it in the boat. After going far out to sea he lit the wick which began to burn brightly. After a short time a huge monster of a fish with fieice dazzling eyes rose out of the deep at a distance and made itR way towards them. They immediately

turned and hurried back, Wing greatly helped by the tremendous waves caused l»y the oncoming rush of t lie monster itself. At last quite exhausted they reached the heath with thei monster almost at their heels The fish chased them .so i tortuously that when the unusual waves reached high up the beach they receded leaving the fish stranded there. When Ihe news of this reached the town, the people flocked to the bench to view this strange visitor from the '<•<1. Ii was then hoisted on many carts mid dragged into the town with great ceremony where it was wild by the old fisherman for a fabulous sum. This monster fish was so big that its eye- bones were large enough to be set up as gates in front of the town. From this time the city was called “ Matsyapuri.”

Historically, Masnlipatam is heard of for the lir.-t time in 1425. when, under the tolerant auspices of the Carnatic Rajas who were at war with the Balimani kings of the Deccan, a tnuwpie was built at Musulipatam. probably for the use of the Muham- madan soldiers who were then freely entertained by Hindu princes.

The hist Musalman king to bring Masulipatam under his sway was Muhammad Shah Bahrnam II of Kulburgah who in 1478, in person, reduced Masulipat- aiu with all its dependent country. Alter him the country eaiuc under the Orissa Rajas. Then being eojKjiicnHl by the great Carnatic king. Krishna Raya, was finally taken possession of by the Musalman kuig of Uolconda. Sultan Quli (/utb Shah, oik- of the live }>o\vcrful nobles under the old Behmani kingdom who after its fall assumed the regal title in 1518 and founded the Qutb Shahi dynasty.

20

When during the reign of Ibrahim Qutb Shah, (1550 to 1580) there was a coalition of his enemies of Bidar, Bijnpur, Vijianagar and Orissa against him, his territories were attacked on all sides and Masulipatam itself was attacked and occupied in 1557 by Siddliiraja Tinnnnppn. governor of Kon- dapalli. This wus merely a temporary inroad. Ibrahim Qutb Shah then labouied hard and impressed upon the other Muhammadan kings the need for union against the now powerful Vijianagar which was u common danger, whereupon a “ League of the Faithful" was formed under the leadership of Bijajmr. In 1505 the combined foices of Bijapur, (•oleonda, Alimadmigur and Bidar fought and crushed the Kaja of Vijianagar ut the famous battle of Talikota. The strong fortress of Kon- davidu was taken in 1579. after which the Hindu rule in the Kistiui District practically came to n n end.

The first mention of European tinders establish- ing themselves at Mas uli pa tarn is found during the reign of Muhammad Shah (1580 to 1012). “The Portuguese may have been the earliest and the Dutch the second nation to occupy this field, but the first English venture was in the year 1611, when an agency was established at Masulipatam on behalf of the East India Company.” The Qlobt was the first ship belonging to the Company to touch at Masulipatam. Thence she departed laden with cotton cloths and other delicate fabrics for Bantam and Siam. A profitable business was done in selling Masulipatam goods in Sumatra and the Spice Islands. This traffic proved bo profitable thut in 1627 the Batavia Council recommended that 300,000 rials* in money

-I

should Ik* sent annually to Masulipatam for gold and camphor and spices. But when Sultan Abdullah (Jutb Shah became king in 1C26, his officers appear to have thrown obstacles in the way of the English trade, probably at the instigation of the Dutch, and in 1Q2H the English were forced to remove to Armagon, on the Nellore Coast, where a factory had been founded some years previously. However, in 1082. the English succeeded in securing a Firman known as the “ Golden Finnan " from the Sultan of Golconda. permitting them to re-open their agetuv at Masulipatam and to trade at other ports in his dominions. The Agency was now raised to the rank of a Factory. Two years later another Firman was obtained extending the first.

The possession of these Finnans did not free the English from local hindrances, for the Dutch appear to have still been able to thwart and annoy their European rivals. The seat of government was removed from Masulipatam to Madras in 1041, which though a recent establishment assumed more im- portance than Masulipatam. The wars between the King of Golcopda and the Hindu Rajas probably contributed a great deal to the decline of the trade at Masulipatam.

About this time Tavernier describes Masulipatam as " a straggling town {viOace) in which the houses are built of wood, and are detached from one another. This place, which is on the seashore, is only re- nowned on account of its anchorage, which is the beat

• Former Fxigl»«U jfutd coil!, r/ol or »$*/. wortk during Quern Elmbvtfa't time IS* »r 10*.

22

in the Bay of Bengal, and it is the oiuy place imni which vessels sail for Pegu, Siam, Arakan, Bengal Cochin China, Mecca and Hormuz, as also for the islands of Madagascar, Sumatra and the Manillas."

About cotton cloths Tavernier says : — “ The rhiUt (chintzes) or painted cotton cloths which are called caltneiular, that is to say, made with a brush, arc made in the kingdom of Gokonda, and es- pecially in the neighbourhood of Masulipatam ; but the quantity made is so small that when one places in requisition all the workers who make these cotton cloths, it is with difficulty that he ran obtain ns much as three bales."

At the minute of consultation at Masulipatam, dated 4th December 1655 : “ it was agreed that 30 old Pagodas should be allowed to Mr. Edward Winter to uphold the Company’s houses at Metchle-

patam ” This gives us an idea as to how

much trade must have then dot-lined at Masulipatam at this period.

Fernandez Navcrette. a Dominican friar, wl»6 visited Masulipatam in 1670 on his return voyage from China to Europe, says about it : — “ The city of Masulipatam is famous all along the Coast of Coromandel. It is situated 60 leagues north of Madrasta, a very populous place and of great trade. The English and Dutch and at present the French have erected factories there. Some years ago,

besides these, the Danes had one too The

climate is very bad and unhealthy. They "aid the heat from April to August was intolerable ; all the country abounds in wheat, rice, sheep, hens, geese,

fell and fruit, at reasonable rates The city is

singular ami there being such a diversity of natives, there falls out something new every day among Persians. Armenians, Moors, etc. That city resembles Babel in the variety of tongue* and differences of garbs and customs- hut 1 liked the natural inclinations of them all •

About this time Masulipatam was a busy commercial centre. The staple export was cloth “ weaved and dyed " in the villages in Kistna and (•odavari. There are references to saltpetre, tur- meric, all aorta of spices and miscellaneous articles auch as spotted deer and water fowl for His Majesty Charles II. The imports included all sorts of goods manufactured in England among which broadcloth and superfine scarlet ami green cloth, seem to have been most appreciated by the natives ot this country. The Company also had an agent at t.'olcondu for tin? purchase of diamonds, a Mr. Oholmelv. who was from time to time accused of engaging in private trade.

It is interesting to learn in tins connection that the Company allowed private trade in certain com- modities, setting apart 5 per cent, of the tonnage of each ship for the private ventures of the Commander and Seamen. The Chief at Masulipatam was permit- ted to send home 3 tons, all others of Council 2 tons, and the Factors not in Council 1 ton each. It is no wonder then that this private trade dashed with their duty to the Company. Further their -claries were so utterly inadequate — a writer got £ 10 per annum, and a factor £ 20 that the private trade was what they looked to ns their livelihood and their position sh servants of the Company was valued only for the

24

facilities it afforded them to carry on this private trade. The following incident will give an idea of the profits these servants of the Company must have been making. Mr. Mohun ns the Chief of Masulipatam was receiving £100 per annum and when he was dismissed from the Company’s service he gave notice to sue the Company for £ 100.000 damages for wrongful dismissal !

The Directors of the Company also seem to have taken a sort of paternal interest in their servants, for, we find that the orders of the Directors in London were explicit that, their married servants were to reside in houses provided by the Company and that the unmarried men wore to dine at n common table with 11 n steward appointed to order their table, that it doth not exceed their allowance.”

About 1072 a Dutch .Minister describes Masuli* pa tain thus : It is " a city seated near a large river,

where the English and Dutch have their factories. It is very populous and the residence of a Governor, who pays a certain yearly tribute to the King of

Golconda This city is a place of great traffick,

where most ot our commodities, as also those traiw- ported hither from the Mologues, China, etc., are sold at very good rate. Here is also a great concoume of merchants from Camboya, Suratte and other places under the jurisdiction of the Great Mogul, as also from Goa, Orixa and Pegu. Here is also a consider- able traffick in Diamonds and Rubies.”

The English Company had an Agent at the Court of Abu-I-Hasau Sbah, under whom the Com- pany held the settlement at Madras on an annual

rent to the King. The King had two Brahmin ministers who have left an enduring reputation. The Government at Fort Saint George issued ins- tructions to their Agent at the King's Court to present substantial gifts to Madanna and Akkanna, the said ministers, “to preserve their favour to the Honourable Company.

In 1078 when Abu-1- Hasan Sluib, the lust of the Qutli Bhahi dynasty, was about to visit Masuliputam, the Council there were directed by instructions from Fort St. George “ to offer a considerable sum of money to obtain leave to coin rupees anti pice at Madras to l>e current throughout the King of Go Icon- da's dominions and also to obtain exemptions from customs dues in the Carnatic for English goods as they are in Masulipatam and those parts of the ancient Kingdom of Golcondu." But the King did not visit the town as this entry in his journal of a visit to it (March 1670) by Streyusham Muster, “Agent ol the Coast and Bay ’ proves : “ There is a new choultry railed in and a Key of Timber made into the river, built and prepared in December last for the King of Gokonda s reception, but he did not come to this town ”

The Company’s business at their Factory at Masulipatam must have been considerable, for about this time Major Buckle proposed for it a large estab- lishment consisting of —

“ A Chief,

A second for accounts > and no more of A third for godowns ) Councell,

A Secretary,

Two Factors,

A Steward,

Three Writers, each of the Councell to take charge ol one,

A Physician, rather than a Chirurgeon.

A Minister/’

It was at this time that the Agents of the Com- pany in India " l>egau to assume a retinue and display more suited to envoys of a nation than to mere employes of a mercantile concern.”

As a sample of the social amenities which existed lietwccn the rival Dutch and the English, the follow- ing incident may he cited :

In March 1679 when Mr. Strcymdumi Master, “ Agent ol the Coast ami Bay", visited Mosulipatam, he apparently expected the Dutch Agent to call on hint, hut *' the Chief of the Dutch, Signor Outhorne, sent to excuae his not visiting the Agent to-day by

teason of business, etc ” and when in January

1680 Mr. Streynshain Master again landed at Masuli- patam on his way back from Hugli. wc find it re- corded thut ** the Dutch Chief stood tijton the Terras of their house when we paused by, but came not. down to meet iw in the street.” This must have further aggravated the foimer offence of the Chief for not calling on Mr. Master and his party and so when the Dutch Chief sent next day to say that he would visit the Agent, Mr. Master hogged to be excused ■’ on account of prow of business.”

In 1680 when Aurangzeli overthrow the Qutb Shalu dynasty which patronised ihe English, the Dutch and French made baste to secure the Emperor’s good will by lurge presents and the Dutch raked up

►nine real or imaginaiy affront from the Court of Goleonda. took possession of Masulipatani and communicated this fact to the Madras Government by a curiously imperious letter and intmiatod that.—

“ Wherein, according to our Orders and to the maintaining our Friendships, wc shall not incommode or hinder your Honors to imlrarque on your ships from your factory at Mctchlepatam what goods you have ready by you as you have «xeasion ; and to disem- barque all your Provisions and Merchandize which are brought by your ships to Metchle- patam and lay them up in your factory ; but not to carry them without the city to dispose of them to merchant* or subjects of the King of Goleonda, so long !i> our Company hath not satisfaction Irnm the King and keep possession of the Town."

The Madras Government made u vigorous protest and wrote that they intended to cany on their trade at Masulipatani, whether the Dutch permitted it or not, and advising the Dutch not to obstruct the trade “because of the ill consequences that may be". The Dutch ihen explained that the English merchants had loft Masulipatani. fearing that their property might bo burnt by natives. What actually occurred during the next few years is not clear, but during the Company's war with Aurangzeb in Bengal, his troops advanced as far as the fortress of Kondapalli in 16ft7; wheieupon the Dutch. English and French deserted Masulipatani.

a h

About. October 1087 it was reported at Fort St. George that “400 horsemen were come to Metchle- patam from the Mogul with Tashreffs for the Dutch ond French and strict orders to seize and secure all Englishmen and their concerns." And at a General Council held at Madras on the 5th December of that year it was resolved " to expend 50,000 pagodas in purchasing forbearance from the Emperor and to send 10,000 pagodas of this sum at once to Court.”

The country at this time seems to have been in a wretched state, there being a very great contagion in those parts, which depopulated many towns and wholly ruined the trade.

The .Madras Government sent Its. 10,000 as a present to the Mughal Governor of Oolconda and in March 1688 received a letter from the Mughal Gov- ernor of Mnmilipatam about their re -establishing the factory there. But in October 1680 the English factory at Masiiiipatam with its eighteen godowns was seized by Aurangreb’a troops and their trade was extinguished for some years. And although the Madras Government succeeded in 1090 in obtaining from Zulfiqar Khan, one of Aurangzeb's generals, n Finnan enabling them to re-open their factoiies along the coast and another one in 1092 to the same effect, yet as the buildings were reported to be in ruins, they were put in charge of one Brough, who drew tfergeaDt’s pay, from 1090 to 1697, in which latter year a Mr. Lovell was sent to Masulipatam to re-open the factory, apparently on a small scale.

In August 1099, Mr. Pitt, cousin of Mr. Thomas Pitt, then governor of Fort Bt. George (of the Dia-

mond fame) lauded at Masulipatam as Agent of the New East India Company and tailed himself “the President of the Coromandel Coast and Consul for the King of England.” And in December 1099 Sir William Norris, Ambassador to the Emperor of Delhi, landed at Masulipatam and issued the follow- ing notification to the servants of the OW Company at this station : —

“ This is to require and command you, not to presume to make any address or application, cither in your own person or by any other, directly or indirectly, to any public minister or officer of the Great Mogul, without my knowledge or permission, as you will answer the contrary at your peril. Given at Masulipatam, December 26th, 1699 William Norris."

In 1700 the Madras Government, suspecting that Mr. Lovell was lukewarm in his opposition to Sir William Norris 3nd Mr. John Pitt, resolved to again establish a Chief and Council at Masulipatam and despatched to that part a force of 24 soldiers with a Lieutenant, Sergeant and Corporal. In the meanwhile Sir William Norris left for Surat and the Old and New Companies being amalgamated in 1702 their rivalry ceased.

War with France being imminent in 1703, the Madras Government withdrew all the Factors from Masulipatam except one Mr. Frcwen. In 1704 a person was sent from Madras to look after the dead stock, the Company declining to bear no more ex- penses than that of bis salary and that of the neces- sary peons. One Narayan was deputed to buy

so

goods. For the next twenty yean and more trade must have been languishing and wo find that in 1720 the factories at Masulipatam and MadapoUem were kept up on a very insignificant scale, as their total expenses then amounted only to 628 pagodas, whereas the Vizagapntam factory cost (1.000 pagodas.

It was now that the famous Asaf Jah, Nizam- nl-.Mulk, came south from Delhi as the governor of the southern parts of the Empire, nominally a subject and the Lieutenant o! the Emperor, but in reality an independent prince. Secret advices from Delhi urged Mubariz Khan, the Subihdar of the Deccan, to overthrow this too powerful vassal, but he was defeated and killed at the battle of Shakar- khclda and Asaf Jah, Nizam-ul-Miilk, reigned without rival as Viceroy of the Deccan. The Province of Golconda, one of the outlying divisions of his dominions, comprised five Nawabs' charges. Arcot, ('uddappah, Kurncol, Kajamundry and Chicacole. Anwar-ud-din, the Nawab of llajamundry and the ancestor of the Prince of Arcot, ruled the country included in the Kistna District.

Under the Nawab of Kajamundry there was a Ztllador. called Rustam Khan, a man of great vigour and integrity, who ruled Kajamundry ami four more southern provinces irom 1732 for seven successive years with the most ample delegated sway. He aimed at the total extirpation of the merciless Zemindars “ who defrauded the public treasury, and squeezed with the iron hand of oppression the industrious husbandmen and manufacturers." He is said to have erected pyramidal monuments with the heads of these merciless tyrants and

31

(heir adherents, called “ Kalla Minais." Referring to these Mr. Jamc* Grant, “ public Minister to the Nizam's Court at Hyderabad,’* in his Political Survey of the Northern Circa ry. says : “ the remains of one

of these singular proofs of Eastern depravity

the cause or effect of the most violent despotism, are still to be seen in the vicinity of Masulipatam.” This was in 1784. These ** remains " have utterly vanished now and even the oldest inhabitant known nothing ol these remains."

In 1748 Asaf Jah. Nizam-ul-Mulk, died and was succeeded by his second son Nasir Jang as Subahdar of the Deccan and when Muzaffar Jang, a grandson of the old Nizam was supported by the French under M. Dupleix. Nasir Jang marched south to Arcot and took Muza ft at Jang prisoner. And as the French Governor continued to resist Nasir Jang, orders were sent to the Muhammadan Governor at Mas ul i- patam to arrest all the officers and to seize all the goods at that Factory, a grant of which seaport and its environs, M. Dupleix had obtained from Muzaffar Jang sometime previously. Nasir Jang’s orders were carried out with all possible tenderness. The Muhammadan Governor arrested and put in prison M. Coquet, the Chief of the Factory, M. La Selle, Second in Commaud, the broker, the merchants and the principal servants, and taking possession of the building he scaled up everything in presence of the broker, but nothing was plundered and nothing was damaged. Thereupon Dupleix ordered the Fleunj and the D'Argaw», which were lying in the roads at Pondichery, to embark troops and stores and ammunition and with the approval of his Council

32

determined to take possession of Masulipatam in accordance with Muzaffar Jang’s grant. M. Oniland was entrusted with the execution of the plan, who had under him 200 Europeans, 20 East Indians, and 200 sepoys with several battering guns, all under the command of M. do La Tour. The ships arrived off Masulipatam on 12th July 1750, the Fort was taken and M. Coquet and the other prisoners were set ait liberty. Dupleix reinforced the French garrison by 100 Europeans and 500 sepoys from Pondicherry. There is no record to show if the English were in Masulipatam when Nusir Jang’s officers seized the Factory or when the French suddenly appeared in the Masulipatam roads and took possession of the Fort anti town. The French improved the defences of the fortress and rendered it fit to stand a siege from any power then in India. They erected eleven bastions and a breastwork and constructed a causeway from the Fort to the town in place of the old bridge on wooden piles. It was they who dug a cistern capable of holding 44,000 gallons near the town gate.

But in 1750 the English under Col. Forde, who had been despatched by Clive to create a diversion in the Northern Cireare as he suspected that the French were concentrating their forces for a supreme effort in the Carnatic, captured Masulipatam, which was then considered a “ great commanding bulwark ” by a midnight attack on 7th April 1859 and by the conquest of this fortress, the virtual sovereignty of all the maritime provinces from the river (.londegaina to the Chilka lake, was transferred absolutely from the French to the British Govern- ment, by a treaty with Salabat Jang who succeeded

33

Nasir Jang. This capture of Masulipatam and the expulsion of the French from the Northern Circars, was the turning point in the long conflict between the French and the English for supremacy in India. As the writer in the Kutna Dislrid Manual says “we may therefore look upon that singularly interesting spot, the old fort at Masulipatam, as classic ground nnd, rising superior to the depressing influences of the dismal swamp and muddy sea surrounding it. may remember that had the issue of that midnight struggle in April 1759 been otherwise, the tricolor and not the Union Jack might now wave over India.'

In April 1760, Nizam Ali, brother of Salabat Jang, came to Bezwada where he was met by Mr. Alexander, the Chief in Council at Masulipatam, and offered a lac of rupees per mensem for a force of 100 Europeans with artillery and 1,500 sepoys and promised to cede to the Company in addition Rajamundry, Ellon- and Kondapalli. The Madras (Joveinmcnt wen- unable to accept this offer. These three Circai-s therefore remained under the able management of Husain Ali Khan, the Faujdar under Nizam Ali, the. ancestor of the Nawab of Masulipatam.

The whole coast was tranquil for a year after the capture of Masulipatam, and orders were issued to establish a lino of postal runners from Madras to Calcutta, and directing all ships passing up and down the Ray to call at Masulipatam for intelligence.

Basalat Jang, another brother of Nizam AJi, sent a force under Karim Khan and took possession of (Juntur, whereupon the Faujdar, Husain Ali Khan, first applied to Masulipatam for assistance and then went to Madras, vested with full powers on behalf of i

Nizam All who had by this time become the actual Subahdar. During the tedious negotiations that went on, the Madras Government suggested to Husain Ali Khan “ that these five Northern Cheats were of little value to Nizam Ali, who extracted revenue from them with difficulty, that the British Govern- ment was strong enough to hold them and that they would pay to Nizam Ali half the net revenues." Husain Ali Khan assented to this and delivered to the Madras Government, Sanads in the name of Nizam Ali for the five Circare of Chicacole, Konda- palli, Rajamundry, Ellorc and Guntur, which were despatched to Mr. Fairfield, Chief at Masulipatam, with orders to occupy and hoist the British flag at Rajamundiy and other places, which were obeyed.

Nizam Ali, justly angered at this extraordinary intrigue, demanded that us the British sent no troop* to his assistance they should return the Sanads and restore the territory. The Madras Government at once returned the Sanads, but declined to restore the territory until they should be repaid the expenses of the occupation. The dispute was settled in 1763 when the Company's troops were withdrawn.

The Court of Directors were now anxious to keep the French out of the Circare “ by obtaining Sanads from the Subahdar even at the price of sup- plying him with a British force " and according to their advice one Condregula Jogi Pantulu, the Com- pany’s dubash, was sent to Hyderabad to negotiate but he returned to Masulipatam unsuccessful. The Madras Government “ now fell back on their former plan of ignoring Kizum All’s wishes and making use of Husain Ali Khan”, tire former Faujdax, who set

out from Fort St. George with a force under com- mand of Captain Unit to take possession of these CircATO. Arriving at Manilla iu March 1765, he marched against Txallapollc Fort, which was aban- doned at his approach. Itajamundry was next taken. .Vs Mr. I’ybu/* was “ cultivating friendly relations" with lkisalnt Jang who was holding it in person the Guntur Circar was not touched. “ Husain Ali Khan professed to take possession of the Circars in the name id Nizam Ali, hut in truth lie was a British Agent.” Nizam Alianived at Jlexwada in May 1705 with nu enormous army, and alarmed at bin ap- proach Mr. Pybus made arrangements to defend M isulipatam. “ But Husain Ali Khan collected ull the money lie could lay hands on and went to tL« Subnhdar’s camp on June 2nd. and Nizam Ali, thus appeased, took his departure for Haidarabad.”

Iu August 1 7tV> Clive obtained from Fhuh AJnm, the FnijKjror, Imperial Fiiinnus gt anting to the Conipimy the live Northern Circats. The Madias Government had now legal title to hold these pro- vinces, "but hesitated for sometime ' before they would venture to publish the Imperial Firmans and so do away with the fiction that Husain Ali Khan was holding them on behalf of the Nizam.” In December 1765 they wrote to Mr. Pybus that they intended to publish the grants as f.oon as they could nui-Aor a Kudirieut force, and in February 1760 they sent General C'ail land to undertake any “ necessary military operations.” On the 3rd of March 1706 the Imperial letters were proclaimed in the Fort at Masulipatum, with ull possible ceremony and letters were despatched to all Zemindars in the Circars.

36

The stronghold ol Kondapalli was taken and the Circus, except Guntur where Banalat Jang wa< Btill too powerful, were occupied. “ It now re- mained to dispose of the claims of Husain AK Khan. He asked for a jagir and was offered an allowance of a lac of rupees per annum, being told plainly that he had done nothing to procure these Imperial Banad.v This offer he altogether refused and showed his displeasure so plainly, that Government alarmed lest he should make mischief in the newly acquired territory, gave him ajagxr of 13 villages and allowed him to rent two Zemindar is. His t-roope were all paid off, 400 cavalry under Ibrahim Beg entering the British service and GO French troopers going to Basal at Jang at Guntur.” A descendant of this llusain Ali Klmn, Sultan Ali Khan Bahadur, with the courtesy title of the ex-Nawab' of Masulipatam is still receiving a small monthly pension from the British Government.

Nizam Ali touched to the quick by the occupa- (ion of his territory “ under cover of a grant from the now tottering Court of Delhi ” prepared for war. But in 17C6 General Cailhind proceeded to Hyderabad and after a difficult negotiation, concluded a treaty with the Nizam, by which the Madras Government agreed to hold the Northern Circare on a tributary tenure under him, at 8 lacs of rupees per annum, engaging at the same time to furnish the Nizam with 2 battalions of Infantry and 6 pieces of cannon And it was Masulipatam which supplied the 2 batta- lions under Col. Smith in December 1706. By a second treaty concluded in 1708 similar to that of 1700, Guntur was to remain in the hands of Basahil

37

■lung during In* life and the four other Circars were to be held by the Company ns tributaries of the Nizam. The English now held the provinces both from Delhi and from Hyderabad. Guntur came under the rule of the Company in 1788 and the claims • >f the Nizam over the Northern Circars were finally determined in 1823 by a money payment to him from the Company of Its. 11,50,4160.

The English after taking Masulipatara seem i*> have done little or nothing to repair the damaged fnitilications which probably disappeared in four or live monsoons, for in his ltcport upon the fortifica- tions in 1765, Major Coll, Engineer, says “ A stranger would doubt if any defensive works ever existed round the place, were it not that some gun carriages appear half sunk into small mounds.” But as Masulipatam was considered the scat of Government of the Northern Circars, it had to lie defended from the Nizam, the Mabrattas and possibly the French, and the place was fortified at a cost of nearly 180,00i> Madras Pagodas.

In 1779 Masulipatam was overtaken by a great storm, when "the sea flowed 12 feet deep in the Dutch factory and destroyed all their goods and their house to the value of 80.000 Pagodas ; the eca was also knee -deep in the. English factory where gnut loss was sustained in pep|>cr and other spices." Houses were untiled ami much of their broadcloth and calicoes was damaged. Jn Masulipatam and adjacent villages about 20,000 people were drowned.

The present District and Sessions Court at Masulipatam was originally built by Mr. Dobbyn.

38

one of the Members of Council. On a large beam to the right of the Judge’s dais the following inscrip- tion iB still to be seen

“ This house was built in 1790 by William Augustus Dobbyn, Second in Council of Masulipatara. Cost M. Pagodas 10,000.”

In 1794 the Council at Masulipatam waa abo- lished and a Collector appointed. The affairs of the Company in the Circars were till then transacted by a “Chief and Council.” “These boards were really Commercial Councils, upon which by accident the whole political, financial and revenue adminis- tration had fallen. These Councils were fixed at certain places and from their constitution were calculated rather for deliberation than for action. The members of those boards were but seldom ac- quainted with the country languages. It waa a system without defined responsibility. A great part of the business before it wub transacted by the Chief alone. The Chiefs and Councils were both superin- tending and executive officers. In their former character they directed the civil, commercial and revenue concerns of the Company within their respective districts ; iu their latter character, they acted as Collectors, settling and receiving revenue and performing such other duties of detail, as their stationary situations would permit."

That extraordinary revolt against the Company’s authority called the “ Officers’ Mutiny,” extended also to Masulipatam, when the brigade stationed there actually proceeded one march in the direction of Madras as if to assist in overawing the Govern-

3y

ment. Sir John Malcolm came by tea to Maauli- patam and succeeded in the very delicate task of recalling the sepoys to their duty in opposition to the orders of their immediate European officers. At this time a poet was established by the officer* through Pulicat to St. Thomas’ Mount by sepoys disguised as runners.

Masulipatam was now the seat and commis- sariat depot for Secunderabad and Kampti and was considered a military station of some importance ; but the fort was. in course of time, abandoned by the civil officers, and the native troops found quarters on the sand ridges near the town, but the commit sariat officers and European troops were still con- demned to quarters in the Fort.

In 1832-33 the Guntur or Nandaim Famine was followed by a pestilence which induced the authorities to station no more European troops at Ma.su lu. Col. Walter Campbell, while a Lieutenant m His Majesty's 62nd Regiment, describing the Fort in 1833 as it appeared to him on his arrival theTe, mays : —

“The Fort was originally built by the Dutch on a site (a patch of dry ground, surrounded by a dismal swamp) which no living creature but a Dutchman, a frog or an alligator, would ever have selected for his habitation.’’

The Fort was half in rums uml utterly useless, the “ barracks and officers’ quarters wretched, and overrun by rata, Iwmdicoots and other vermin, vegetation of the poorest kind, an interminable swamp between the

40

fort and the sea -a desolate scene all round ; its monotony being broken by a burying ground.”

With such surroundings who will not sympathise w ith the poor young Lieutenant when he says: " Verily it requires a stout heart and a sanguine tem- perament to enable one to keep up his spirits in the midst of such a landscape”?

The morning after the Lieutenant's arrival he received n visit and he says : —

’* My visitor was a respectable half-caste gentleman dressed iu a genteel suit of black and u white tie. Advancing with the grave melancholy smile and obsequeous air of n well-bred undertaker, be unrolled before my astonished eyes n neatly drawn plan of a new cemetery, which had lately been erected, and begged to know whether 1 would like to select, for niv private use, a remarkably picturesque spot to which he .idled my attention. I thanked him very much for his polite attention, but informed him that being an Officer iu His Majesty's Service, a grateful country had guaranteed, iu the event of my demise, to put me under ground free of expense and with military honours.”

In 1835, Sir Frederic Adam, Governor of Madras, visited Masulipatam when his attention woa drawn to some Buddhist marbles, 33 in number, which had l*cn brought from Amravati in 1839 by Mr. Robert- son, tlie then Collector of Masulipatam, and placed

41

in I lie market square culled Kobettson Pet tab after him. The Governor ordered the marbles to be placed in » safer and more conspicuous plaeo : but the order was not obeyed and some years later Mr. Gohlmghum, the then Collector, gave them to Mr. Alexander, Master Attendant nt Maeulipntam, who ornamented his garden with them and refuaed to give them up to Government. What remained of them were at last purchased by Government, from liis executois, and may now lie seen in tl»e Madras tVutrol Museum.

Alter the anicut was thrown acioK* the Kislna at Bezwada in 1853, the canals were extended towards Masulipatom and a tidal frek.wa* completed in April 1803, and when it was shortly after opened for traffic a promise of revived commerce, which laid fallen considerably, was given and within a fortnight aftei the opening, goods lo the value «.f a /«»• of rupees pftssed tl trough the lock not wit h*la iiding that ship* had to anchor seven miles out.

But this prosperity was not destined to last for long. On the night of the 1st November 1864 Musulipatam was visited by one of the must dis- astrous cyclones recorded in history. " At noon that day rain set in with violent gusts of wind By 3 i-.m. there was a gale.'' An eye witness now living, a venerable old Pleader of over seventy two. says that In- was then a strapping young man of about eighteen, lo wly married and tiint as that day happened to Is* Deepavali, he was invited to his mother-in-law’s house, uot more than a furlong or so from his own and that it tool: him over four hours to reach it.. •• It was quite dark by fi r.M. The wind increased in

42

violence and by 8 p.si. trees were blown down and roofs lifted off houses. Added to the storm it was new moon and the tide was full at 10 p.m. The sea, driven into the bight of the coast before the storm, came at the very moment of high spring tide and an enormous wave 13 feet high above ordinary high water level was borne inland by the gale. The gates of the new tidal lock were wrenched off. The ramparts of the fort were not intact and the wave rushed through the Fort. There were more than 2,000 people living in tho Fort and of all the native houses nothing was left, but a few posts. The Com- missariat godowns fell and casks of porter and arrack strewed the country for miles inland "

" Gilkadinde," the present. Gilakaladinde, a village with 2,000 fishermen and shipwright* on the east of the Fflrt, was completely swept away and nothing was left to Bbow its site even.

The scene in the town of Masulipatam was worse ; “ the houses with mud walls soon fell and crushed their inmates. The wind was so fierce that, strong men could not stand against it. In Sivaganga Pett, a Brahmin suburb, nothing was left standing except the Pagoda, and only 70 lives, out of 700, were saved.”

” By midnight the water began to sabeide and the wave receded with a continued roar, uprooting and carrying everything before it, towards the sea." The eye-witness mentioned above, says that next morning he found the dead in heaps everywhere washed against the fallen walls of the houses and that the sight was simply heart -rending.

43

Jn a few hours 30,000 human lives were lost •vi* h, of course, a great destruction of cattle. The inundation extended along 80 miles of coast and II miles inland, the furthest point reached being 17 miles and the surface covered being not less than 780 square miles. Mr. Robert Ellis, C.B., who arrived at Masulipatam on 17th November, wrote : —

" The destruction of roads and trees has been great. The station which previous to the storm was a pleasant looking place, with well made roads and trim avenues of trees, presented on my arrival, a most melancholy aspect. The whole place was covered either with water or a thick deposit of black mud. The roads were almost entirely effaced and covered with broken trees and masses of prickly-pcar, while the houses in their ruinous condition looked as if the station had been abandoned for years.”

The storm also caused the disappearance of a well known land-mark in the Ujwn called “ Eliza’s tree ” about which there is the following foot-note in Mr. V. A. Smith's edition (1914, p. 113) of Bernier's Travels in the Mogul Empire.

“Sterne’s (correspondent) Eliza was at one time a resident at llasulipatam, where her husband Mr. Daniel Draper was stationed in the service of the Honourable East India Company, and ‘ Eliza’s Tree ’ was to be seen there, until it was unfortunately washed away in the cyclone of 1884.”

44

Shortly alter this disaster much sickness broke out among the Borvivon in the town and the 19th Madras Native Infantry was removed and not replaced, the storm thus putting an end to Masulipatam as a military station.

A monument in the Foil erected in memory of the victims of the cyclone has a tablet bearing the following inscription : —

“This monument

Commemorates the Melancholy fate of Antony and Maria Fruvall their sons

nnd about 30,000 souls

Who were all unexpectedly swept into eternity by the Ocean Wave which desolated this town on the night of the cyclone of 1st November 1864.

Manual Fruvall

Anxious to pay a tribute of affection to the memory of his brother and family and to express

His cordial sympathy with lus surviving fellow citizens has caused thia pillar to be erected On the very spot where his relations perished, (which for years had been their happy home) ;

To perpetuate the remembrance of this awful event and to serve at the same time as a lasting Memorial

•>f the grateful feeling with which be and the entire population recognize the unceasing and

45

whole-hearted exertions of their worthy Chief Magistrate, C. Thornhill, Esquire ;

To va insole the survivors and relieve as far as human succour could avail the distress of the inhabitants.

" O ye seas and rivers. Bless the Lord Praise and exalt him above all lor ever.”

Dan, tw. 78.

There is an old cemetery in the Fort outside ol which is a solitary tomb, which bears the following inscription and crest : —

Hike Leyt Brora Yen Den E. Iacoh

In Sy» Lkven Raet Van Indus Ende Otper

46

Hooft. Te Water Ends Te Landk Overde. Nkdbr Lant se Nbgotie De Sbr Cvst Coromandel over Leden Pen 29 Akousty Anno 1624.

There are various other tombs scattered over the town of Masulipatam, but none so old as the above one.

Of the many Pettebs which make up the town, which like Madras is a place of distance*, one is still called “ Ulanda (Holland) Palem,” another “ English Palcm ” and a third French Pctt where the French still maintain a “ Mayor ” of their own.

Of old buildings two are in existence in Masuli- patam, dating back to the Company’s days ; one Dobbyn’B Bungalow already referred to, occupied by the District and Sessions Court and the other by the Munsif’s Court. There is another in the Fort, occupied by the Post Office and the Police Station where a number of cannon balls are to be seen, which is probably the remnant of the old Arsenal. Next to this is a roofless structure, said to have l>oen once a Hospital, now owned by the Hyderabad State which maintains a caretaker. The Church in the Fort has vanished, only the belfry —without the bell — is standing. The bell now in the new (Indian) Church ia said to have belonged to this belfry. As for the old “ Fort ” itself there ia not even a broken wall left.

Thus we see, that tradition apart, Masulipatam has been known to history from about the beginning

47

of the 13th century. From tbe Hindu Rajas it passed successively into the hands of the Bahmani kings, the Orissa rajas, the Carnatic king, Krishna Raya, and the Golconda Icings. The latter held it for a century and a baH, during which period European traders, the English, the Dutch and the French, established themselves there and the commercial pro- sprrity of the town began to grow. After numerous vicissitudes it finally came into the hands of the English in 17(j<i when the Northern Circars were assigned to them by the Nizam.

Masulipetam has long been famous for its cotton goods. “ In former days, the chintzes of Masulipatam had a great reputation abroad for the freshness and permanency of their dyes, the colors becoming brighter after washing than before.”

At tbe commencement of the last century, Jlasulipat-am enjoyed very extensive trade in chintzes and colored cloths. Goods to the value of 50 lacs of rupees, it is said, were exported to the Persian Gulf alone. Machinery, aniline dyes and Manchester goods have all combined to beat the produce of the hand looms out of the field. Its manufactures and trade have decayed. The cyclone of 186 t < lea It the heaviest blow. The withdrawal of tbe garrison in 1865 put an end to Masulipatam as a Military Station and the opening of the Madras Railway, its importance as a Port. And when after the present war the contemplated transfer of the head-quarters of the District to Bezwada becomes an accomplished fact, it will receive its coup-de-grac*.

Ill

MAHl’K : ITS HISTORY AND MONUMENTS.

BY 0. YAZDANI.

The okl town of Mahur is sacred to the Hindu, associated as it is with Vedic stories and Puranic myths. The visitor is shown the spot where the Rwect Renuka, eager for conjugal felicity, ' fell from perfection * in the eyes of her devout husband, Jamadagni, and at his suggestion was put to death by her own ‘ dutiful ’ son, Parasurama.* Another place recalls the scene where tho Hindu triad becoming jealous of the generosity and modesty of the pious Anasuya, came to test her virtues, and to their chagrin were transformed into three little infants by her. Not less interesting and impressive are the various hill sites where the Rishi Atri burnt the •sacred fire’, or where he and his illustrious son Dat- tatreya by the fervour of their devotion attained godhood. The natural scenery is superb, and the isolated cliffs, the luxuriant forest, and the winding streams arc veritably an abode of gods.

HISTORY.

Apart from these legends we have a complete blank in the history of Mahur until we come to the time of the Muslim conquest. In India ancient raceB and dynasties aro often traced by their archi*

♦ Fw the full Avrj, kc iiiWv Cta$*k*l Ihdwnary, p.

49

tecture, the prevalence of a style connoting the extent of dynastic dominion ; so the caves of Mahur of which I shall speak hereafter, may attest the hypothesis that the country must have formed part of the C’halukya kingdom or of the dominions of the Yakataka and the Rashtrakutra kings, all of whom were fond of cave architecture. Modern research in epigraphy and numismatics has filled large gaps in (lie early history of Berar ; but no definite reference is made to Mnhur which stood at the south-eastern limit of that province.

\Ve find in the annals of Ferishta that Ala'-ud- diu Rahman Shah (1347-58) on assuming indepen - dcnce in the Deccan divided his kingdom into four provinces of which Mahur, Ramgarh and part of Berar formed one. Mahur thenceforward remained an im- portant outpost c( the Bahamani kingdom, because this part of the country was not free from trouble, being exposed to attacks by the highland chiefs of the Satpuras and by the wild tribes across the Wardha. \Ve read of an insurrection in the province against Muhammad Shah Bahmani (1358-75), while in A. I). 1398 it was invaded by the Raja of Kherla in the Satpuras, who carried fire and sword from the bills down to Mahur. Firoz Shah Bahmani (1397-1423) marched in person to punish the marauders and halted one month and five days at Mahur. The rebels were ultimately punished and Nursing Ray, the Raja of Kherla, expressed contrition for his conduct and acknowledged himself the king's vassal.* The fort of Mahur, situated on a hill, just east of the junction of the Pen Ganga and Pus river.--, was largely rebuilt

• firinkta l DHL's* tnuubtLon), Vo L II.. |*[k 37 4

60

by the Bahmanids, and its existing monuments which I shall describe later, are mainly the constructions of thiB dynasty.

In 1480 A.D. Khwaja Mahmud Gawan, the renowned warrior statesman of the Bahmani dynasty, to control the authority of the provincial governors redistributed the territorial divisions of the empire and instead of four provinces substituted eight divisions. This scheme caused much agitation among the governors and ultimately cost Mahmud Gawan his life. The province of Berar, according to this distribution, was split up into two provinces, one of them being Mahur which was placed under Khudawand Khan Habnslii.

In 1526 the Bahmani dynasty collapsed entirely but before its extinction (in 1484 A.D.) Imad-ul-Mulk set himself up as a petty king in Gawil. In 1616 A.D. Amir Band marched from Bidar and after taking the fort of Mahur he attacked Ramgir and earned it by assault, slaying the governor Khudawand Khan." Upon receiving intimation of this invasion Ala' ud- din Imad Shah (1504-29), on the plea of asa.sting the family of Khudawand Khan, began to collect his forces ; but Amir Band, in order to avo.d a war, placed the two sons of the deceased in the two forts of Mahur and Ramgir and desired them to consider themselves tributary to Ala'-ud-din. The latter, however, continued his march and on approaching the forts made himself master of them.

• Amir Band had invitod Sultan Qull Qutb-ul Hulk and Khud* wand Khan to aid bun again Yumf ‘Add Shah, but they danyardod ti» auamaona appanaiUy owing to mutual datrart. Khudawand Khan lad abo bom r *d*nt aoia* furta on the northern from tow of U» Bvhman. dMBfnxma. and IhvM worn tbo cancel ertueh lod to tint capture of 4Uhor by Amir BarxL

MAP SHOWING PLACES [XCLUDBD IH THP SARK Aft OP MAHCft IX TKR MUGHAL PRRIOD.

Pi. ate VI

51

Khudawand Khan’s sons fled for protection to Burhan Nizam Shah, while Ala'-ud-din placed his own governors in the forts.

The usurpation of these forts gave umbrage to the Nizam Shahi court, between which state and that of Imad Shah frequent battles ensued, wherein the latter was at length totally defeated and last possession of the foils of Mahur and Bam garb. The Ahmadnagar dynasty, however, was not long destined to hold mastery over Mahur because the conquering hosts of Akbar in 1399, put an end to the dynasty, and their kingdom, including Berar, of which Mahur was a sarhar, was annexed to the Mughal empire.*

Abul Karl in the Ain-i-Akbari (English transla- tion, Vol. II, pages 228, 234, 235 and 230) gives a succinct but luoul account of the a< nkar of Mahur and speaks of a Zuniinday who commanded 10© horse and 1,000 foot und was entitled Bona. The sarkar was divided into twenty parganahs (PI. Yl), and yielded a revenue of 42,885,444 dams in money. The Arclueologieal Department, Hyderabad, pos- sesses a manuscript statistical account of the Deccan which is probably identical with the India Office MS. No. 470t. The aocount, from various references in the text, appears to have been compiled in the reign of the Delhi Mughal king, Muhammad Shah (1717-48), and the viceroyalty of Chin Qalich Khan

• On the cc.suiii c 4 Burar by Ouiml Bihi to Akbor * lrnaj. nndrr hultAn Muiud ami K^ui Ktianan, M -ihwr «u expccwJy excludid fro* tlm li rntory u> l*> ci»il*d ; bml wu •ul>erq-jiotiy aancxed to ibo Jfoghof cm (tire for wo find the carter of ilahur uwntiooid in the Am idifmn a»an inUvral jurt of tbo imperial prov.iio* of Berar. Vide llagtr Huioric Landmarks of lie /Mctae, p. 144.

t Eihc ; Czioioyut of Ptnlem USA in lie India 0f.ee L&nxry, VoL 1 . p. III.

52

In the MS. the s arkar of Mahur is stated to contain twenty parganahs (the same as described by Abul Kazl), and to yield a revenue of Rs. 847,629, which, if we reckon 40 Akbari dams equal to a rupee is considerably less than the amount given by Abul Fast*

We do not read of anything of consequence in the history of Mahur during the Mughal government except that it formed part of the jagir of Udajiram Dekhani and his descendants, and in the 15th regnal year of Jahangir, Shah Jahan, who was then under the displeasure of his imperial father, while fleeing from Burhanpur to Bengal, paid a visit to Mahur and left all his heavy luggage and elephants in the Fort.f In 1724 Chin Qalich Khan established his inde- pendence in the Deccan and from that date Mahur has always remained subject to the Hyderabad dynast yj, although the Bhon&las posted their officers

• The Archrologicftl Depart meet MS. detcritec Mahur a* follow* t—

** Mahur. divided into twenty mjWi l*rr*ll fn.'uwn); total revenue, K*. W7,«i2B. A fort on the Sihyacha! range. the wily ooe in the terfar (daitfkt). Tito meandering* ol the river Pen Gang* hire brought a Into touch with aeveral pUfua in the d-strtct. At * diaUnce ol 3 omi fio«u Mahur it bouedetwo or rather throe wdr» ot tho town aad approaching to * distance of two coee tow«rd» l be north ol Mahur it token on raetecly cowne. Flowing on. the rirer goc* beyond the ptryOM (ftWupv) ol Chood* oud ultimately Joins the God* ran. The coetcro boundary u the district of Kollom, tho northern the fafaca# of Kawil, Baaim is the wetfara bnundarv, ami tbcaouUieni the lofafu# ol Xanded ui the Muhammad* bad ( Bidar) In the vicinity of the fort thtf* It a temple dad* tied to

Dvr £4. On the fourteenth of Katak every year peoplx a— Mo hero from distant plaoca a ad bathe in a tank called Mawala. Afterward* they ro to the Fort and bathe in the tank there. Owing; to tin* ftMHUuulagn the oftcer ol the piece collect* a large amount of Ul

Divfciott* of the diatrict !— {1) Mahur. (2) Chikni. (3) Chkhoii. («) Mahagaoo, (5) Dharaa. (6) Kirooi. (7) Puad. <S| Anshmg. (9) Xandapur. (10) Hingoli. (It) Shival*. 112) ttanaat, (13) Taaaa, (Uj Warona, (15) Dbanki/Tiei Umarhhed, (17) Kotgur. (19) Kiowat, (19) Salt* and (91) Sindkher.

f Sea IVMir ut Uhm, Vol. L. pp. 142 44.

X .Va’elA.'r ul triear«i (Vol. II ). contains the name* of aoo-e of the governor* of the *n H* pf*. 941, &21.G22 and $35.

53

all over Berar aud constantly fought for their right to exact the Chnuth and Sardestnukhi. The partition treaty of Hyderabad (dated 1804), however, put an end to this double government and the province, excluding certain tracts left with the Nagpur Chief and the Peshwa, was made over in perpetual sove- reignty to H. H. the Nizam. In 1853, by a treaty, certain districts of Berar were assigned to British management for the maintenance of the Contingent force, which somehow in exclusion to the other districts have assumed the name of the province of Berar. Mahur was not included in these districts and was thus separated from the old imperial Svbah, of which it was an integral part for several centuries.

MONUMENTS.

The old town of Mahur i-s in ruins now and its site may be determined by decayed walls, broken roads and pathways, and the plinths of destroyed houses. The present habitable area which can be styled only a village comprises two to three scores of huts and small houses, and is dwindling to un- importance because the situation of Mahur— on a high spur aud embosomed in thick forest— is such that it could flourish only as long as it had any military significance.

The most important ruins ut Mahur are a pair of caves cut in the cast side of the hill .situated at a distance of three quarters of a mile from the village. The front of the main cove was adorned with six pillars besides pilasters, but, unfortunately, they have disappeared owing to the fall of the rock forming the facade of the cave. The hall which measure* 77'-fi'x T7 has in its middle another row

54

of massive pillars which have divided it into two aisles. The pillars have square bases but after vising to some height they have been transformed into circular shafts, and the comers where the change in the form has taken place are adorned with human figures which have disintegrated owing to the rock being soft and porous. At the western end of the iiall is the shrine measuring 19' x 18' 6' with a jrradafokina or passage for circumarabulation 9' 6" wide. The lintel of the shrine door is adorned with Brahmanical images and pediments of Dravidian order. The interior of the shrine is empty now but originally it had a lingo with a sahmka because the cave from the presence of the ptvdalshina as also from other features appears to have been Sivite (PI. VII).

The notable feature of the cave are two gigantic sculptures of dvarapalas each about 14 ft. high which have been cut with considerable grace and beauty. It is difficult to fix with any certainty the age of the caves but from their general style they appear to have been excavated about the same time as the later Brahmanical caves of Kllora, that is the 7th to the 9th century A.D.

Owing to neglect of centuries the cave is much silted up and since my inspection excavations have been started to expose the original plinth and other architectural features which are buried now under earth and debris.

Outside the cave at the north-eastern end there arc two unfinished cells probably intended for the accommodation of Brahmanical deities — Cancsa, and Siva and Parvati.

N.B.—The cat are partly unfini&kcd particularly Ik* nave

The other cave, which is unfinished, is as spacious as the first. Its arrangement can be beRt understood from the accompanying plan (PI. ATI). The cave when finished would have comprised an outer hall with a row of pillars in the front and small rooms at the eastern and western ends, and an inner hall divided into two aisles and flanked with small rooms on the eastern and western sides. The shrine with the jiradahhina would hove been at the southern ••nd of the inner hall.

The cave though unfinished gives us an insight into the process which the workmen followed in excavating the caves. The doors are in the begin- ning only irregular openings, the pillars lumps of stone and the halls and rooms irregular and uneven spaces in the heart of the rock. The sculptors first worked out. the plan in a- rough way and when that v.aa accomplished they ga\o proportionate lengths, breadtls and altitudes to the various apart- ments, chiselled the doors, i arved the pillars, adoimd the facade and finished other architectural ar,d artistic details.

The caves are locally called the Pandu Lena.

The next group of monuments in chronological order oomprisos the Mawala tank and the shrines de- dicated to the various deities. The tank is a pleasing expanse of water (532 ft. x 450 ft.) situated at ti c foot of the hill on which the Fort is built. On three sides it has an enclosure wall (6 ft. high) carrying a fine paved walk (6 ft. brood). For the convenience of the bathers there are also broad flights of steps descending to the water level. The fourth side of the tank has been left open to take in monsoon water

56

from the neighbouring hill. The water of the Mawala tank is held in great sanctity, because it is supposed to possess the same potency in blessing the souls of the fair sex as the waters of the holy Ganges for the departed souls of the males. In the month of Katak a jatra is held and the devout votaries, who assemble in very large numbers, bring the cremated remains of their dear ones from long distances and deposit them with due ceremony in the purifying waters of Mawala. By these continual deposits the tank has unfortunately much silted up and if it is not ex- cavated and cleared within, say, twenty years, the sacred waters may disappear altogether and the result perhaps will be attributed by the pious pilgrims to the sinfulness of the Ivaliyuga.

Among the religious shrines the most important are (1) the temple of Kenuka Devi, (2) the temple of Dattatreya, (3) the temple of Anasuya, and (4) the temple of Deo Deolishwar. They are built on the knolls of a hill with luxuriant foliage, which offers a glorious landscape to the eye and forms a pleasant background for the buildings : but, contrary to one's expectations, the style of architecture of the temples proves to be very disappointing on a close inspee tion. The bounty of the pilgrims and the religious and utilitarian tastes of tjie custodians (pujaris) are responsible for the destruction of all old structures, and the erection in their place of arcaded halls of late Muslim type and of square and rectangular rooms with roofs and sheds of corrugated iron sheets.

The temples have a halo of sanctity and religious tradition about them and the sight of the Mahant* and their devoted disciples (Chela*) clad in saffron

57

clothes, is inspiring. Some of tliem possess large estates yielding an income of over a lac of rupees, but they themselves live very simple and austere lives and spend their incomes entirely in charity. At Dattatreya’s temple needy and poor people come lrom long distances and the hope which brings them to this out of the way and rather inaccessible place is fully realised through the bounty of the Babas.

The last in the group of Mnhur monuments, but by no means the least in historical and architectural importance, is the Fort. It is very strongly built, lurched on a hill 400 ft. high over-looking and over- awing the plains below. It has rather an irregular shape, being constructed along the edges of two close standing spurs, while the valley between them has been turned into a large tank by the construction of a massive wall. The ascent to the Fort on three 'ides— east, west and south, is extremely precipit- ous, the fourth side which is fairly accessible was defended by redoubts and stone gateways, the ruins of which can still be traced. Passing beyond these defences the visitor reaches the main gateway, styled the Chini Darwuza, for its facade is decorated with panels of Persian enamel work. The gate ia u massive structure— pre-Mughal in appearance and evidently built by the Bahmani kings who held | ms session of the Fort for over a century. Inside lhc gate on either side of the passage (9 ft. wide) there are spacious rooms which wore utilised for the accommodation of the guards. Over the roof of the gate there is an apartment where, probably, the governor of the Fort lived with bis zenana. The apartment opens on a beautiful courtyard with paved walks and a fine masonry cistern in the middle.

58

The northern wall of the apartment is pierced with jali screens of artistic design, through which the ladies enjoyed the sight of the cavalcades passing the gateway.

From the Chini Darwaza a broad paved road leads the visitor to a gTOup of mined houses shown as the various offices and the dwellings of the nobility. The most imposing of these is a rectangular enclosure with high walls, the interior of which is now unfortu- nately filled with a thick growth of cactus and other wild trees and nothing of its plan can be determined. Close to this is a big hall divided into five apartments and called by tlio hx.nl i>cop!c— not without certain discrimination— the Sforc-hou.se. Preceding further on along the road wc get a vi* w of the inner defences of the fort— (J) The Daibadal Burj, a bastion of gigantic dimensions and most solidly built ; (2) the (hor Darwaza, a slit in a massive wall, forescape in the time of danger, etc. At the south-western extremity of the Fort there is a set of rooms built in the pillar and lintel style and having flat stone roofs. An image of MaJia Kali which is describd ns being older than the advent of the Muslims in the Deccan, is accommodated in the rooms. The image is still worshipped and if the tradition about its age is true, it speaks in favour of the tolerant spirit of the Muslim rulers of the Fort who did not offend the religions susceptibilities of the people during their long government.

Another building in the Fort is a mosque with three arched openings and divided into two aisles. The roof of the mosque is vaulted and consist* of six small dome*. The pillars are of Hindu style

59

anil wore evidently taken from an old ruined temple. The mosque is in a comparatively good state of preservation and may be saved from ruin if vegeta- tion growing on it is destroyed and a few holes and cracks judiciously treated with cement.

The walls of the Fort are single, but very thick, being built of large blocks of masonry laid in mortar. The natural defences of the Fort, perhaps, did not necessitate the construction of several tiers such as are usually found in other Deccan forts. The general aspect of the architecture of the Fort is grim and solid and quite typical of the inclinations and character of the early Muslim conquerors of the Deccan.

IV

THE LAST SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF GOLKONDA, 1087.

BY PROFESSOR JAI>U NATH HARKAK,

Hindu University, Benares.

Our authorities for Aurangr,ib’$ siege and capture of Golkonda, are : —

(1 ) Mntuir-i Alaoujiri, or t lio Mughal official history.

(2) Xrukka-i-DilkuAlM, or the private memoirs of

Bhim-ten Burhaupuri, a civil officer of the Mughal army, whose account is at places aa valuable as the reports of the “ Eye witneas ” in the present war.

(3) Nimat Khan Alt’s highly rhetorical and jxart ly

metrical description of certain incidents (VTojai) of the siege. Incomplete aa history ; stops at the end of June, while the fort was captured on 21st September.

(1) Khali Khan, who gives a simplified version (with many poetical extracts) of Nimat Khan's book and some incideuts not mentioned by the latter.

I have also consulted the Persian MSS. of two con- temporaries, viz., the Nodir-uz-zamani of Khuslihal Chand and the Futuhat-i-AUungiri ol Ishwardaa Nagar, but the former has merely given an abstract of No. (1 ) above, and the latter wrote from too great a distance to tell us anything useful or reliable. The best account

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<»f the siege hitherto available m Eugliah was that of Major Haig in hia Historical Landmarks of the Deccan (“Pioneer” Press). But Haig had no knowledge of authorities (1) and (2) cited above. By the courtesy of the Editor of this Journal I print here my own history of the siege, based on all the available materials.

Chronology of the Siege.

Jbtli January, 1687.— Aurangiib arrive* within two mile* oi Golkonda. Attacks the enemy’s baggage in the dry - ditch. Qftlich Klwn mortally wounded in trying to enter the fort pellmelL

About 1st February— Battle with the Qutb Bhahi force

outside.

7th February. Mughal* open their trenches, and in a month carry the sap to the edg* of the ditch.

21*t February. — Shah Alaiu placed under arrest.

lGth May.-Firuz Jang* escalade fuib.

17th May - Garrison make a sortie.

28th May. — Shaikh Nizam deserts to the Mughal*.

June.— Mughal raised battery and trenches spoiled by

ruin.

15th June.— Garrison make a night -attack and cany nil Ghairat Khan and some other high Mughal officer*. Baf Shikan Khan thrown into prison by Emperor.

20th June.— Mughal* fire two mine*- -Emperor rides to battle-field Severe but fruitless j-tiugglc all day.

21at June— Third mine miascs lire.

22nd June. — Saf Shikan Khan restored to liberty and created Chief of Artillery a second time.

7th July —Emperor inspects Saf Shikan’s new battery.

lOtb July. — Prince Azmi and Kuhullah Khan arrive with reinforcement*.

Terrible Famine. A wall of wood and clay is ordered to be built round Golkondu.

21st September.— Golkonda is captured.

Topography of the Siege.

On this point our authorities arc deplorably silent. I have been able to collect only the following scraps of information, which local antiquarians may utilise in the light of the full account of the siege printed below: —

Mughal army under Aurangzib came from Bidar and halted 2 miles from Golkonda ( Sl.A.t 287). Firuz Jang, after capturing Ibrahirogurh (Yodgiri) and taking pOMMiOQ of the city of JIaidarAbad, wrote to the Emperor (Af .A., 288). Evidently Aurangzib himself was encamped on the hills north of Golkonda.

Trenches were carried to the foot of the ditch (evidently from the south and south-east of the fort) (J/.4.,290). Prince Shah Alam was in command of the trenches on the Right Wing (K.K.t ii., 330).

The Mughal* constructed a raised battery up to tho height of the turret of the fort. But it was spoiled by the enemy. LutfuHah stayed three days in the middle of the river (evidently S. E. of the fort) und then expelled the enemy and restored tho battery. But rain washed the battery away (M.A., 290-221 ).

Enemy drag a gun to the fort wall opposite tho Emperor's tent (1 north of tho fort) and foe it. Aurangzib orders a gun-platform to be erected to a sufficient height to silence the foe of this gun. But the work was delayed.

19th May. — During the successful night sortie by the Qutb Shah is, Firuz Jang was in a mosque between the imperial

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romp and the fort, bat could not fail upon (be enemy on account of the flooded country between. Boats were swamped in trying to cross the raging nalla (R'o^ai, 57).

20th June. — Emperor goes to the quarters of Firuz Jang by way of “ the old raised battery " (M.A., 295).

21st September. — The Mug ha Is enter the fort by a back- door (khirki) near the old trenches. Prince Azam was staying on the bank of the river at the foot of the fort in order to support the men who first entered the fort ( M.A. , 299).

" The Mughals entered the khaki gate with the help of tlio very high steps (lino) above the batteries and the roads around, which had been broken down by cannonade. Prince Azam entered the fort by the [larger] gate which woe opened to him by the Mughals from within" (Khafi Khan, iL, 362).

Old Haiders bad.

On 30th October 1686, Aurangzib left the newly conquered city of Hijapur and then travelled by easy stages to Culbarga and Bidar, halting there for several weeks. “ At last on 14th January 1087 he mounted his horse to punish that luckless man, Abul Hasan,” and on the 28th of the month arrived within two miles of Golkonda. Meantime, Abul Hasan had again fled from his capital to this fort, and the city of Haidarabad was occupied for the third and last time by the Mughals. Firuz Jang had been detached after the foil of Bijapur to capture the Qutb bh .hi fort of lbr&himgarh.* After carrying out that task, he had advanced and taken possession of Haidarabad in the name of the Emperor. (iff. A , 287-288.)

On hearing of Aurangnb's coming “Abul Hasan was in utter despair and perplexity. His lipa were

• Now called Ya^tri, 30 win do* tcalb of lUlkbcd, off lb* Ml bank of the It him*, (/ad. At, 67).

G4

ht rangers to laughter, his eyes full of tears, his head vacant of sense, his tongue speechless. He offered submission to the Emperor with new protestations of devotion. But the Emperor’s only reply was the sword.” (M. A., 287.)

The walled city of Haidarabad, the seat of the Qutb Shahi government, stands on the south bank of the Musi river, winch was then crossed by a grand old stone bridge of early 17th century construction. North of the river were a number of suburbs, “ where all the merchants, brokers, and artisans dwelt, and in general all the common people,” Haidarabad itself having been reserved for the Sultan, his court, nobles and military officers. Even to-day the westernmost of these suburbs bears the name of Karuvn, from the many caravan-serais for merchants and travellers that it once contained. Next, to the east, came Dhulpet and beyond it Beg&m Bazar with the Gosha Mahal (Retreat Palace) standing in the midst of a park north of the peopled quarter. Further east, after crossing a thin stream feeding the Musi, lay the site of the Bri- tish Residency and the aristocratic Chadarghat ward of the present day.

Golkonda Fort described.

Two miles due west of the stone bridge, some 1 HO yards north of the Musi river, lies the fort of Gol- konda, the impregnable stronghold of the Deccan. It is an irregular rhombus, with a rough pentagon (the Naya Qila) annexed to its north-eastern face. A strong crenellated wall of granite, over four miles in length and of great thickness, surrounds the fort, which is further defended by 87 semi-circular bastions, each from 50 to 60 feet high and built of solid blocks

65

of granite cemented together, some of them weighing more than a ton. The eight massive gates oould have safely defied any artillery known to the 17th century. On the walls were mounted a vast display of cannon, some of them being very fine specimens of the medi- aeval gun-founder's art. Outside is a deep ditch, 50 feet broad with stone retaining walls, and along the entire southern side there are traces of a second parallel moat

But Golkonda really consists of four distinct forts joined to each other and included within the same lines of circumvallation. The lowest of these is the outermost enclosure into which we enter by the Fath D&rwaza near the south-eastern corner ; it is a vast tract covered with mansions of nobles, bazars, temples, mosques, soldiers’ barracks, powder maga- zines, stables and even cultivated fields. Here the whole population of Haidarabad used to live in times of danger. Proceeding inside along the gTand main road for some 1,250 yards from the Fath Danvaza, and leaving a set of rather later palaces, harems and offices on a low site on the right, we arrive at the Bala Hisar gate which leads us, over a flight of steps, to a higher area with exceedingly lofty and strong walls and containing a capacious three-storied armoury, magazines, stables, mosques, audience chambers, harems, gardens, large wells with steps, and even two serais and a temple of the monkey-god !

Further west, some 200 steps cut in the solid rock lead the traveller up to the very apex of the fortress, the Bala Hisar (or Upper Fort), standing on a bed of solid granite, its walls being formed by huge boulders with here and there connecting curtains and parapets s

66

that tower far overhead. This is the citadel of the citadel, the kernel of the whole fort ; and here the early Dravidian rajahs of the land had built their first stronghold, by filling the gaps in the natural rocky walls with mud and rough stones, and here their rude ancient temples cut into the rock still stand. In this Bala Hisar the Qutb Shahi kings had erected a two- storied palace, the roof of which commands a free view of the environs for miles and miles around. Here they oould retire as a last resource, for it con- tains, in spite of its great height, a well, powder magazines and numerous granaries (nmbar khanah) hollowed out of the bed-rock. The western face of the Bala Hisar is a steep scarp, between which and the outermost wall on that side, the plain is broken by three long granite spurs running west- wards, and presents to the eye a bare uneven desert some 260 yards in width, strewn with fragments of rock.

At the north-western corner of the fort, on both sides of the Patanchcru Road, there are reservoirs of water and thick human habitations, gardens and a small cemetery'. At the north-east angle stands a mound oomma tiding parts of Golkonda ; but it was enclosed by a wall and added to the fort, under the name of the Naya QUa of New Fort, bj- king Abdullah as a defensive precaution after Aurangzib’s first siege in 1666. (Jf. A., 301.) North, south and even west of this last area are large tanks and the water supply of the fort was unfailing.

Between the fort and the northern suburbs of Haidarabad the ground is low and scored by stream- lets draining the surplus water of the Langarcheru into the Musi. Here, as well as round the Naya QUa,

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lie many hundred acres of rice- field, secure of irriga- tion from the tanks of this region. North of the fort, at a distance of a mile and a quarter, runs a low range of bare fantastically piled up hills, skirted by the great old road from Sholapur and the west. Here Aurang- zib is said to have established his own quarters at the last siege. About a thousand yards outside the Patancheru or north-western gate, stand the magnifi- cent tombs of the Qntb Shahi kings, queens and nobles ; and this position seems to have sheltered some of the besieging force. But so far as we can infer from the scanty details left about the siege, the Mughal attack was directed on the south-eastern and southern faces of the fort, their soldiers moving along both the north and south banks of the Musi, while the N. W. gate was bombarded only as a feint.

Death of Qalicb Khar.

Arrived within view of Golkonda (28 January, 1087), Aurangzib at once ordered his generals to assail and drive away the enemy's troops who had assem- bled in the dry ditch under shelter of the fort walls, “ like a swarm of flies.” Oue charge of the impe- rialists swept them away, or as the Mughal official history puts it, " the wind came and the gnats fled away ” ; and their property, wives and children were captured. Qalich Khan (the grand father of the first Nizam) tried to enter the fort pell-mell with the fugi- tives and capture it by one stroke. But Golkonda was not to be taken by a coup de main. He was hit ou the shoulder-blade by a zamlruraJc bullet from the fort walls, and with one exception all his followers hung back from this desperate enterprise. So the Khun had to return in disappointment. The old

68

warrior bore his pain with stoical fortitude. "When the surgeons were extracting the splinters of bone from his shoulder, he was sitting calmly engaged in conversation with the men around, without twitch- ing a muscle of his face, and sipping coffee with the other hand. He cried out, ‘ I have got an excellent tailor ! * In spite all the remedies tried by the doctors, he died after three days.” (M.A., 289).

Regular siege operations had, therefore, to be undertaken against the fort. On 7th February the trenches were opened and thus began the siege of Golkonda which was destined to last seven months and a half, to cause unspeakable suffering and loss to the Mughals, and to end, not in a glorious victory of arms, but in a capture through bribery.

Arrest of Sbah Alarm

The siege began under the Emperor’s own eyes, but at the very outset his arms were paralysed by a conflict of policy and a bitter personal jealousy in his camp. The greatest sinner in this respect, was his eldest surviving son and intended heir, Shah Alam. This prince was of a soft pleasure-loving nature, and constitutionally averse to strenuous exertion and heroic enterprise. He did not wish to sec a brother sovereign like Abul Hasan utterly ruined. This generou-s impulse was mingled with a more sordid feeling : if Golkonda were taken by assault, all the credit of the achievement would go to the Commander- in-chief Firur Jang, as the credit of the capture of Bijapur had gone to his younger brother Muhammad Azam. But if he could induce Abul Hasan to sue for peace through his mediation, then lie himself would be proclaimed in the official report as the captor

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of Golkonda. Abul Hasan knew it and worker! on the Prince's feelings. Hib agents secretly visited Shah Alain with costly presents, begging him to use his influence with the Emperor to save Abul Hasan’s throne and dynasty. The Prince gave encouraging replies, in order to induce Qutb Shah to look up to him as his only friend at court and not to seek any other intercessor. For some time envoys and letters con- tinued to pass between the two.

In thus negotiating behind the Emperor’s back and with an enemy beyond hope of the Emperor's pardon, Shah Alam was playing a dangerous game. And he had enemies in the camp ever on the lookout for a chance to ruin him. HiB rival, Azam, was no doubt absent, but bad friends in the imperial army and court, who were glad of an opportunity to trip up Shah Alam. The Prince’s position was rendeted still more dungeious by dissensions in his harem. His favourite wife, Nurunniaa (the daughter of Mirza Sanjar Najm-i-Sani) had monopolised his heart by her accomplishments as a Hindi poetess, devotion and care for his comfort, and charity to all, so that hia other wives were jealous of her to the death. Azam’s partisans revealed to the Emperor the secret of the communications passing between Shah Alam and Abul Hasan, while the neglected wives of the Prince denounced Nurunnisa as her husband's counsellor and agent in these treasonable negotiations. They even spread the false talc that she had shamelessly gone to the fort in disguise and assured Abul Hasan that Shah Alam would come over to him if the Em- peror rejected the proffered peace. An order of Shah Alam to bring hia women’s tents closer to his headquarters, really as a precaution against surprise

70

by the enemy, strengthened Aurangzin’s suspicion that the Prince was meditating flight to the enemy's fort with his family. All doubts were set at reel when Firuz Jang intercepted and showed to the Emperor one night some letters which the Prince had been trying to send to the fort.

Aurangzib acted promptly. Shah Alam's own contingent was sent to the front on the pretext of meeting an expected night-attack, while imperial troops took their place as guards round the Prince’s camp. Next morning (21st February), Shah Alam with hia four sons was invited to the Emperor’s tent for consultation. After a few minutes’ talk with him, they were asked by the t «mr to step into a side-room (the chapel) with him to hear some secret instructions of the Emperor. There they were politely asked to consider themselves as prisoners and surrender their swords. Shah Alam readily submitted ; but his eldest son Muizuddin had more spirit ; he laid his hand on the hilt of his sword and looked at his father for a signal to draw it and make a dash for liberty. But Shah Alam’s answer was an angry frown and a stem order to obey. The Prince’s entire family was impri- soned, his property attached, his troops distributed among the other commands, and his trusted eunuchs tortured to make them divulge their master's treason- able plots. The more the Prince protested his innocence, the more did the Emperor’s anger flame up ; he increased the rigours of Shah Alam’s cap- tivity and ordered that be should not be allowed to cut his hair or pare his nails, npr be supplied with delicate food, cooling drinks or his customary dress. It was seven years before the Prince recovered his liberty.

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Aurangzib’s mortification at this stem necessity was extreme. His eldest son had been put in prison and had died a captive. His eldest daughter, the gifted poetess Zeb-un-nisa, had been doomed to life- long confinement in the state-prison of Delhi. And now his eldest surviving son was punished similarly. After the arrest of the Prince, the Emperor hurriedly broke up his court, ran to bis wife Aurangabadi Mahal, and kept slapping his knees and moaning, “Alas ! Alas ! I have razed to the ground what I had been rearing up for the last forty years.”

Dissensions.

Shah Alam was not the only discordant element, in the siege-camp. The many Shias in the imperial service heartily disliked the prospect of the extinction of the last Shia kingdom in India, and though a few notable exceptions among them served the Emperor loyally against their own religious sympathies, others secretly helped the besieged, especially during the dark days of rain and famine. Apart from Lhe Shias, this war of extermination against Abul Hasan was condemned by many orthodox Sunnis even, as an unprovoked “ war between Muslims ” and therefore sinful. The upright and saintly Chief Justice, Shaikh- ul-Islam, had counselled the Emperor against invad- ing the two Deccani Sultanates, and on his advice being rejected he bad resigned his high post and retir- ed to Mecca. His successor in office, Qazi Abdullah, tendered the same unpalatable advice and entreated the Emperor to accept submission and tribute from Qutb Shah and thus stop the effusion of Muslim blood. The Emperor’s answer was to packoff this honest adviser to the Base camp.

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This natural distrust towards Shi as hindered the Emperor’s business. At first the only high and distinguished officer at the siege was Firuz Jang. Ah for Kh&n-i-Jahan, he was fighting in Northern India. The only other great general, Ruhullah Khan (Pay- master-General), was a Persian Shia, and hence he was at first suspiciously kept in the rear at Bijapur, and called to Golkonda only after five and a hall months had elapsed from the opening of the siege and the Mughal* were in the sorest straits. Persians, though undoubtedly the ablest among the Islamic peoples, were now jealously kept out of the post of Chief of Artillery which was of the first importance in a siege.

Saf Shikan Khan, the Chief of Artillery (Mir Atiah), was a Persian and jealous of the superior posi- tion and favour enjoyed by Firuz Jang, a Turk. After working strenuously for some time in carrying the trenches towards the ditch and raising lofty batteries to command the towers of the fort, he resigned " in order to spite Firuz Jang.” Salabat Khan succeeded him, but failed to do his work well, and resigned in a short time. The next Chief of Artillery was Ghairat Khan, who was surprised by the enemy in a state of gross carelessness and carried off as a prisoner. Then the post went abegging for some time, to the ruin of the siege operations. Salabat Khan, on being pressed to resume it, replied that he could not bear the roar of artillery and begged that he might be allowed to stay in the rear and discharge his duties by deputy! The whole camp laughed at him and refused to be his deputy. Then at last, Saf Shikan Khan was taken out of prison and restored to his office (22 June. 1687). But by that time the field works constructed after five months of toil, had been demolished by the enemy,

73

and the investment had to be began anew. ThiB internal history of the besieging army will sapply the key to the actual course of the siege operations.

When at the end of January, the Mughals sat down before Golkonda, an enemy force of 40,000 cavalry under Shaikh Nizam and other officera remain- ed outside and tried to hinder the progress of the siege. Aurangzib detached Dalpat Rao Bundela and other officers of Firuz Jang’s division to repel them. A severe battle was fought ill which many Rajputs were slain and Krishna Singh Hada was mortally wounded ; but in the end the enemy fled, so severely punished that for some months afterwards they never again molested the Mughals. (Dii, 206 ; K. K., ii., 329, 336.)

The circle of investment was divided among the various generals and the first turf cut for the appioaches on 7th February. But the fort had an inexhaustible supply of munitions and its walls brist- led with guns of large calibre. Day and night the garrison kept up an incessant fire on the approaching Mughals. " The fort looked as if made of fire ; the smoke turned day into night.” (M . A., 290 ; K. K. ii. 336.) Every day some men were slain or wounded on the Mughal side. But the dauntless oourage and tireless perseverance of the troops under Saf Shikan earned the sap to the edge of the ditch in about six weeks. Then they began to raise lofty platforms and mount guns on them to dominate the towers of the fort. The next step was to fill the ditch and make a path for the assaulting column. For this purpose, Aurangzib, after performing his ceremonial ablutions and uttering prayers, sewed with hia own fingers

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the first bag of cotton to be filled with earth and thrown into the ditch.

Escalade fails.

While these alow operations for breach and assault were going on, the Commander-in-Chief made an attempt to take the fort by an escalade. On 10th May, he stole out of his camp at 0 p.m., and on reach- ing a bastion where the enemy’s sentries were asleep, he planted a ladder against the wall and sent two men up to the rampart. The two other ladders he had taken with him proved too short, and so a rope-ladder was fastened to the top of the gate. By chance a pariah dog was standing on the wall, seeking a path for descending to the moat and feeding on the corp- ses lying there. Alarmed by the appearance of stran- gers it set up a loud bark, whioh roused the garrison. The two Mughal heroes were slain at once. The enemy ran to the wall with torches, discovered the assailants, threw the ladder down, cut the ropc-noose, and despatched with hand-grenades the men at the foot of the wall. A smart musketry-fire drove away the Mughal supports. Firuz Jang was covered with failure, but returned to his camp in the early morning, beating his kettledrums in a spirit of vain defiance.

The dog is an unclean animal to Muslims. But this dog had played the part of the sacred geese of the Capitoline Hill during the Gallic invasion of Rome. Abul Hasan rewarded his canine deliverer by giving it a gold chain, a collar set with jewels, and a gold em- broidered ooat, and styled it “Sih-tabqa or “ Peer of three degrees,’’— in mockery of Firuz Jang's three titles of Khan, Bahadur, and Jang — remarking wit- tily“This creature has done no less (than Firuz Jang)!”

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The garrison promptly retaliated for the surprise that had failed. Early in the morning of the next, day (17th May), they made a sortie on the raised battery, slaying the artillery men. Reinforcements were soon pushed up from the trenches, and the enemy with- drew after killing 70 men. They had also brought a large gun to a point on the wall opposite Aurangsib's own tent and began to fire it, the balls falling around his residence. To subdue its fire he ordered n new raised batterry to be built opposite it ; but no officer would undertake to heap up the earth quickly in the face of the enemy's murderous fire. The Emperor, therefore, ordered two hundred quilted coats (inscrib- ed with extracts from tbe Quran) and leather helmets (mighfar) to be sewn and supplied to the forlorn hope for an assaulton tbe walls. He had, in addition, some long ladders made, set them up against his tent-poles and himself climbed up one of them in order to charm them into invulnerability and thus put heart into his troops ; for, did he not enjoy the reputation of

being a living saint, Alamgir zinda ptr 1

#

Sufferings of the Mughal Army.

Indeed, Aurangzib's troops sorely needed to be heartened by appeals to supernatural aid. The siege operations had ceased to make any progress for some time past, on account of confusion in the artillery branch. Saf Shikan Khan, quarrelling with tho commander-in-chief, had resigned the supreme com- mand of the artillery, and the post had been filled by the cowardly Salabat Khan and then by the sleepy (ibairat Khan. The enemy’s fire was still unsubdued, and the ditch far from filled up. The Mughals also now fell into the grip of famine. During the preceding

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year there had been an utter failure of rain through- out the Deccan, and the millets (jawari and bqjra) which are the chief food crops of the peninsula, had dried up on their stalks. In the Haidarabad district rice was the staple produce ; but the war had prevent- ed the sowing of the fields and this fertile region had become a desert. The Deocanis and their Maratha allies infested the roads and prevented the transport of grain to the Mughal camp. Then, in June, the rain descended in torrents, the swollen water-oourses and rivers became impassable, the roads were turned into quagmires. No provisions could reach the besiegers even from the neighbourhood. To crown their misery, terrible reverses fell on them in quick succes- sion at this time.

The incessant rain of the middle of June com- pletely spoiled the siege-works. The raised gun- platforms collapsed into mud-heaps ; the walls of the trenches fell down and blocked the passages ; the covered lanes became impassable. The camp became a sheet, of water out of which the white tents stood up like bubbles of foam ; the canopies were torn away by the violence of the storm, leaving the men without any shelter over their heads. The shivering troops began to steal away from the front, and then: officers sought cover and repose instead of keeping a strict watch at their posts.

Mughal trenches raided.

The enemy seized the opportunity. In the night of loth June, amidst a deluge of rain, they raided the Mughal advanced batteries and trenches, slew the careless artillery men, drove nails into the portholes of the guns, destroyed the stores of sapping and gun

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material, and then fell on the officers. Salim Khan (an Abyssinian) and Saf Shikan Khan (the ex-Chief of Artillery) saved themselves by jumping down into pits of mud and water. Jamshid Khan the sapper fled before the onset. Ghairat Khan, the new Chief of Artillery, ran for safety into a covered lane and after rolling about in mud, to disguise his appearance, shammed the dead ! The enemy followed him there, and an Afghan deserter from the imperial army re- cognised him and carried him off into captivity with Barbara h Khan (a trusty old servant of the Emperor) and twelve other high officers.

The Emperor, at the first report of the raid, had ordered Haiat Khan to go with 70 elephants and to transport the reinforcements to the scene of the fight in the advanced trenches, over the flooded nalah which no boat could cross. But the water was too deep and swift even for elephants; and after standing for hours on the nearer bank of the stream as help- less spectators of the slaughter of their comrades going on on the other bank, Haiat Khan and the troops under him returned to their tents. The trenches and batteries between the nalah and the fort- were lost to the Mughals for three days.

The Emperor’s wrath fell on Saf Shikan Khan, who was flung into prison and his property confiscated on the suspicion of his having oolhisively aided the enemy out of spite against Firuz Jang and Ghairat Khan. On the 16th, Lutfullah Khan was sent with the Emperor’s body-guards and other picked troops to recover the lost ground. But it was only after three days of struggle and with the assistance of a fresh division that the enemy could be expelled and the ruined battery re-occupied by the Mughals.

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A bul Hasan treated the captive Mughal officers very kindly, gave them rich presents and sent them back to the Emperor. These luckless men were sternly punished on their return ; all of them were de- graded in rank ; Ghairat Khan was sent off to Bengal (then considered a penal province), Sarbamh Khan was deprived of his peerage (title of Khan) and reduced to his former status of a slave.

Peace offer rejected.

With the captive officers Abul Hasan had sent a i*tition to the Emperor, saying, “ If Golkonda is left to me as a vassal paying tribute, it would be more profitable to the Emperor than if he annexes it and governs it by a viceroy, as the latter's expenses would swallow up the entire revenue of the province. It will take 7 or 8 years to restore cultivation and popu- lation to this war-wasted land, and during that period the Mughala will get nothing out of it. If, on the other hand, Aur&ngzib makes peace and retires beyond my frontier, I shall pay him one kroreol Rupees as indemnity, besides one krore in honour of every assault led by him in pennon.” He also offered to present 5 or 6 lakhs of maunds of grain from the fort to feed the starving Mughala, even if his peace- terms were rejected.

But imperial prestige had been lowered by the late brilliant coup of the enemy, and it must be restored whatever further suffering and loss such an attempt might bring down upon the imperial army. Aurangzib rejected both offers of Abul Hasan and scornfully replied to the Golkonda king, not directly but through one of the Mughal officers, “ If Abul Hasan is really submissive to me, as be professes

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to be, let him come with his arms tied together and a rope round his neck (like a sentenced felon), and then 1 shall confer on him any favour I may consider

proper.”

Vigorous measures were taken to retrieve the late d isaster and press the attack home. Orders were sent to Aurangabad, Khandesh and Berar for 50,000 cotton bags, two yards by one yard, and other material neces- sary for filling the ditch anew and making a path for the assaulting column. The starving imperialists complained of the rejection of the enemy’s offer to supply them with food, but Auraugzib continued stern and unbending in his attitude to Qutb Shah.

Mines fired.

Soon Aurangzib prepared to strike his greatest blow. Three mines had been carried from the siege trenches to under the bastions, and they had been reported as nearly complete, as early as 17th May. Everything was ready by 19th June ; the chambers stored with 600 maunds of gunpowder each, the fuses laid, and the army only waiting for the Emperor's order.

The next day (20th June) was fixed for the explo- sion of the mines and the delivery of the assault, which the Emperor went to supervise in person from Firuz Jong’s trenches. The Mughal troops, as order- ed, rushed out of their trendies and made a noisy feint against the undermined bastion in order to induce the enemy to crowd at the point and then kill vast numbers of them by the explosion 1 Dense masses of Mughal* — artillery men, musketeers and infantry, — stood in battle order in the plain below the glacis, ready to storm the breach when made.

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Early at dawn the signal was given; the fuse was lighted and then followed a deafening noise. But the force of the explosion was directed outwards; a vast mass of rook and earth from the glacis was hurled upon the Mughal ranks crowded below : “In the twin- kle of an eye the flying splinters killed 1,100 imperial lists while the fort walls remained intact.” A universal clamour rose from the Mughal army, the groans of the dying, the Bhricka of the wounded, the wild cries of the terror-stricken and the lamentation of the friends of the victims mingled in a dissonant tumult which "suggested the Day of Judgment.” A cloud of smoke and dust covered the imperialists as with a pall.

Mughal reverses.

The enemy seized the opportunity by making a sally and attacking the confounded Mughals. No resistance could be made under the circumstanoes. The exultant garrison put to the sword the few sur- vivors of the assaulting column whom the explosion had spared, and then seized the trenches and outpost which it had taken the Mughals four months to make and occupy. A force sent by the Emperor drove them out and reoovered the position after a long contest and heavy loss. This had been hardly effected when the second mine was fired with the same disastrous consequences. Again the splinters of the blown-up tower fell on the Mughals, and killed more than a thousand of them. The enemy, who had got news of the intended assault through their friends in the siege-camp, had vacated the undermined bastion the night before, leaving only a look-out man there. They now made a second sortie and fell on the unhappy imperial vanguard, doing the same havoc as before.

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Firuz Jang then hastened to the scene with a large force, but by the time he arrived from his distant quarters, the enemy were in possession of the Mughal field-works and shelters. A severe struggle for them now took place ; the enemy alternately fired their guns and charged sword in hand; and Firuz Jang with all his efforts could not reach the lost ground and dislodge them. He himself was wounded with two other generals, Rustam Khan and Dalpat Rao Bundela, while vast numbers of his men were slain. " The men could not advance an inch in the face of the murderous discharge of muskets, lockets, chainshot and bombs.” (M. A., 295.)

At the newB of this serious check, coming as it did on the top of two disasters on the same day, Aurangzib himself, girt round by his staff, advanced from his station in Firuz Jang’s tent, to aid his hard- pressed troops. Cannon-balls began to fall near his portable throne (takht-i-raimn), and one of them car- ried away the arm of his body-servant (kJtams). But he coolly kept his position and cheered h>s soldiers by his example.

While the battle was raging fiercely, the elements themselves seemed to mingle in the war of mortals. A tropical storm burst on the plain with all the vio- lence of wind, rain and thunder. The imperialists oould not advance or even sec their objectives distinct- ly amidst the blinding shower, while the Qutb Shahi troops, safely sheltered in the fort walls and the cap- tured Mughal trenches, plied their fire-arms with deadly precision on the crowded Mughals in the open.

The rain continued to descend in torrents ; the water in the field rose above the horses’ breasts, the 6

82

raised batteries were washed away, the dry natahs and even the low paths became rushi ig streams. The Mughals, assailed by men and the gods, gave way ; and then the Deccanis made their third sortie of the day. Sallying forth from the gates, they seized the trenches further off and the elevated gun-plat- forms, carried off as many guns as they could and destroyed the others. The big planks, beams and thousands of bags filled with earth which the Mughals had thrown into the ditch were quickly removed into the fort and used in repairing the brea- ches caused by the explosion !

By this time the plain of battle had been turned into a lake of mud. The Mughal generals continued to charge the enemy, but to no effect. An imperial elephant worth Rs. 40,000 was killed on the spot and many men were shot down by the Deocani mus- keteers and the incessant discharge of artillery from the bastions of the fort. Towards evening the Prime Minister Asad Khan and Prince Kam Bakhsh brought up fresh reinforcements, but could not restore the battle. (Dil., 207, M. A., 295.) Advance was im- possible, and to hold the position was to face a gra- dual but sure destruction. Therefore, at sunset the defeated Mughals retired to their quarters; the Emperor spent the night in Firuz Jang's entnp.

Next morning (21st June) he issued forth again to fire the third mine and try' his fortune by another assault under his own eyes. The mine did not explode at all. It was then leamt that the enemy had dis- covered the three mines, countermined them with incredible labour by digging in the solid rock of Gol- konda, removed all the powder from this (third) mine,

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and partially emptied the other two and flooded their chambers with water on the fort side, so that only the powder at the Mughal end was dry and the explosion had, therefore, been driven outwards. After some futile exchange of blows, the Mughal soldiers returned to their camp in utter disappointment. The baffled Emperor stole back to his own tent “without cere- mony." "Various other plans were tried, immense wealth was spent, but the siege dragged on.” (Af. A., 295.)

Famine-

The morale of imperial army was utterly gone. True, reinforcement* soon arrived (10th July) under Prince Azam and Ruhullah Khan. True, Shaikh Min ha j, " the best servant of Abul Hasan ” (Af. A., 296), deserted to the Emperor’s side (28th May), and Saf Shikan Khan, restored to liberty and the Mir Atish-ship (22nd June), began to do his utmost to erect a new gun- platform very quickly. But all these were of no avail. The famine grew worse than before, and pestilence appeared as its inseparable companion. " The scarcity of grain and fodder was so great that even rich men were reduced to beggary, while the condition of the poor baffled description." ( K . K., ii., 336.) As the official history reoords it, “ Wheat, pulse, and rice disappeared. The oity of Haidarabad was utterly depopulated ; houses, river, and plain were all filled with corpses. The same condition pre- vailed in the Mughal camp. At night piles of the dead used to accumulate, and next day the sweepers used to fling them, without funeral, on the bank of the river. This happened day after day. The survivors in the agony of hunger ate the carrion of men and beasts. For miles and miles around, the eye rested

only on mounds of corpses. Happily, the ceaseless rain melted away the flesh and the skin, otherwise the rotting carcases would have poisoned the air and despatched even the men spared by the famine. After some months when the rains ceased, the white piles of skeletons looked from a distance like hillocks of snow." (If. A., 292.)

“ Many of the Mughal soldiers unable to bear the pangs of hunger deserted to Abul Hasan ; others, in secret league with him, gave help to the besieged.” (A'. K., ii., 337 ; If. A., 295.) The reinforcements brought by Ruhulla Khan (the Viceroy of Bijapur) ard Prince Azam (that of Malwa) only added to the scarcity of food.

“ The siege was protracted.” All hope of taking Golkonda by escalade or breaching was gone. And there was no course left but to sit down before the place with grim tenacity and starve it into surrender. And this Aurangzib did. “ The Emperor decided to build a wall of wood and earth round the fort of Golkonda. In a short time it waR completed and guards were placed at its doom, ingress and egress being forbidden except on the production of pass- ports." (Af. A., 296.) A new lofty gun-platform was also constructed opposite one of the bastions, and the Emperor reconnoitred the fort from it on 7th July. Prince Azam, on his arrival, was appointed Com- mander-In-Chief in the place of the wounded Firuz Jang. (M.A., 299 ; K. K., ii., 358.) At the same time to prevent the garrison from getting fresh supplies, Aurangzib issued a proclamation annexing the King- dom of Haidarabad. He appointed his own magis- trates and revenue-collectors for all places in it,

85

saying " How king can Abul Hasan remain hidden in the fort, when his towns, villages and oom-fields are in our hands ?” The khuiba was read in the Empe- ror’s name and a Censor of Public Morals (muhUuib) was posted by him at Haidarabad to put down all the Hindu usages and deviations from Islam which Abul Hasan had tolerated, to demolish the temples, and to build a mosque there. (/£. K., 358 ; W., 134.)

In time the rain ceased, the roads became dry and the rivers fordable again, and provisions began to oomc to the Mughal cAmp, and the famished troops got a new life. On 21 st September, after the siege had lasted nearly eight months. " the luok of Aurangzib did its work without a stroke of sword or speat Golkonda was captured by bribery. (If. A., 292, K. K., 301.)

Golkonda betrayed.

An Afghan soldier of fortune, named Abdullah Pani, sumamqd Sardar Khan, had deserted Bijapur service for the Mughal and then left the Mughals to join Abul Hasan ; and now in the decline of the Qutb Shahi monarchy he had risen to be one of the two highest officers in the fort. This double-dyed traitor now sold his master to the enemy.

He left the khirki or postern gate of the fort open, and at his invitation a party of Mughal soldiers under Ruhullah Khan crossed the broken ground between the siege batteries and the wall and entered the fort unchallenged, at about 3 o’clock in the morning of 21 st September 1687. They posted some men within to hold the ground and then opened the main gate through which the flood of Mughal invasion now poured into the fort. Prince Azam with the supports

80

advanced from the river, at the foot of the fort, to the front trenches and then to the gate, and struck up the music of victory, proclaiming that Golkonda was at last won.

But it was not to be won without a final struggle. One last feat of the purest heroism cast its radiance on the fall of Golkonda and redeemed its infamy. When the exultant Mughal* were swarming into the fort and making their way to the palace, a single rider who had had no time to gird his belt on or put saddle on his horse’s back, fell like a lunatic on that myriad of enemies. It was Abdur Razzaq Lari, sumamed Mustafa Khan, the one faithful man among that faith- less crew of Golkonda. Throughout the siege he had rejected with scorn all the bribes of Aurangzib, in- cluding a command of Six Thousand Cavalry in the Mughal army, saying that "he wo uld rather be ranked among the 72 faithful companions who perished with the Khalif Hasan at Karbala than with the 22,000 traitors who overcame him.” Alone he rushed against the flood of invaders, shouting, “ While I live, there will be at least one life sacrificed in defence of Abul Hasan.” He forced his way against “ a thousand swords” to the gate of the Bala Hisar. But covered with 70 distinct wounds, one eye badly damaged, and the skin of his forehead slashed and hanging down so as to obstruct his vision, his horse reeling from wounds and loss of blood, — Abdur Razzaq no longer saw his path before, but did his best merely to keep his seat and gave his horse the loose rein. The animal escaped from the press and dropped him near an old cocoanut tree in the Nagina Ba ;h garden near the citadel. Here the only hero of the siege of Golkonda lay bloodstained, insensible, half dead, for

87

an entire day, and was then found out and taken to lus home. Thence he was removed to the Mughal camp and nursed back to life by order of the Emperor.

Abul I fa. van arrested.

In the meantime, when the roar of the advancing Mughals and the din of street fighting and plunder reached the ears of Abul Hasan, he knew that his end had come. “After trying to console his wives and begging pardon of each of them, he came out to the audience chamber and sat down on the throne calmly waiting for his unbidden guests, and even ordered his morning meal to be served at the usual time. When at last Ruhullah Khan and his party entered, Abul Hasan was the first to say ‘Good morning,’ greeted them kindly, and behaved with royal dignity throughout the painful scene. Then, after bidding his captors to breakfast with him, he finished lus meal and left the palace amidst the frantic lamentations of his women, servants aud friends. On reaching Azam’s tent outside the gate, the deposed king was consoled by the I'rinoe, lodged in his tent, and in the evening preoented to the Emperor. The court historian writes that "Aurangzih, in hia infinite mercy, shut his eyes to the offences of this hapless man and ordered him to be safely lodged in a tent.” After a time he was sent to Daulatabad. On the steep wind-swept side of that grim prison-fortress, in a set of narrow apartment* now choked with grass, bram- bles and fallen masonry, the most luxurious king of the Deccan sighed out hia captive life on a pension of Rs. 50,000 a year.

Nothing in Abul Hasan’s reign became him like the ending of it. As king he had been known only

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for debauchery and a ciiminal neglect of the duties of his office. But at the moment of leaving bis throne and passing into the rigours of captivity under a sworn enemy, he showed a self-oontrol and a dignity which astonished his captors. To their cries of admiring surprise he replied that though bom of royalty he had been trained in youth in the school of poverty, and knew how to take pleasure and pain with equal indifference as gifts of God, "who had made me a beggar, and then a king, [and now a beggar again], and who never withdraws His gracious care from His slaves, but sends to each man his allotted share of food. Praised be God, that I feel neither fear nor repining now. I have given away lakhs and spent krores. Now that he has cast me out of His favour as a punishment for my sins as king, I still thank Him for placing me in my last years in the hands of a pious king like Alamgir.” ( K . K., 364.)

The spoils taken atGoIkonda amounted to nearly seven krores of Rupees in cash besides gold and silver plate, jewels and jewelled ware. The revenue of the conquered kingdom was 2 krores and 87 lakhs of Rupees.

THE

DATE OF SULTAN QULI QUTBU-L-MULK’S ASSUMING THE TITLE OF KING.

BY C. YAZDANI.

Firishtah, the popular historian of India, states that Sultan Quli did not declare his independence till the year 918 A.H. (1512 A.D.), when the imbecility of Mahmud Shah Bahmani’s government was apparent to the whole world, and the ascendancy of his ambiti- ous minister completely established.*1 This date has been copied by some of the later Indian writers!, and in the books on Muslim history and chronology com- piled in English during the last century it is unani- mously accepted^. Firahtah's account of the Qutb Shahi kings, a a a matter of fact, is extremely meagre, and also not very reliable, because, as he observe* in the introduction, he could not obtain Shah Khwurshah’s history, which dealt with the reigns of the early Qutb Shahi rulera§. This circum- stance, coupled with the fact that the inscription tablet fixed over the doorway of the Jami‘

• Brigp' flufcry Hi* ojth, Pvmr, Vol. II. pp.

*42-23-

| XnUakhabu I tetoA, Vol. HI. I Ami?* Librory MS.).

x Dnir« t-'Aninofafy, p. 318 ; l*ae. Pooled Mottammadaa DynaMves, l» 321. Uftil'i Hi4toncLa*4mari*of Ik Orton, p. 236, etc.

| Bright* »ii, 321.

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Masjid at Golkonda, dated 924 A.H. (1518 A.D.), gives the name of Mahmud Shah Bahmani as that of the reigning king and mentions the name of Sultan Quli without any regal titles*, Has led me to re-etudy the problem in the light of available contemporary records.

Transcript.

Bina’o haza-l-masjidi-l-Jami‘ A zamani-t-Sul- lani l-A 'zami-l-Mutawakhl ‘ala'llahi-UOhani, Abi-l- Maghazi Mahmud Shah bin Muhammad Shah al- Bahmani , Khallad'Uaho mulkahu wa sultanahu ; wa baniyuhu al-Mubtahill ila'Uahi Maliki-l-mulki ; Sultan Quli almukhatabbaQutbu-l-Mulk A sanati arba’ wa ’ishrin wa tit' mi at.

Translation.

“ This assembly mosque was built during the reign of the great king, al-Mutawakldl ‘al’llahi-1- Ghani (trusting in God the Independent) Abu-1- Maghazi Mahmud Shah bin Muhammad Shah al- Bahmani— may God perpetuate his kingdom and sovereignty ! — and its builder is the humble suppliant of God, the Lord of the Universe, Sultan Quli Qutbu- 1-Mulk. In the year 924 A.H. (1518 A.D.)”

The inscription is very clear in its meaning, and from its text it cannot possibly be inferred that Sultan Quli had declared his independence earlier than 924 A.H., the date of the inscription, because in that case the name of Mahmud Shah Bahmani, with all his titles, would not have been recorded as the reigning king, and also the title of Shah and the usual benedictions for the perpetuity of the reign

• Kpignplm Into- MotUmica, 1*19-14, p. 48. PI XIX (»).

91

would not have been omitted from after the name of Sultan Quli.

Shah Khwur 8hah’a history formed the basis of the abridged work entitled — Tarikhi Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shahi from which Brigg9 has given a copious extract in his history, the. Rite of the Mahomedan Power, Vol. Ill, pp. 339-484, and several manuscript copies of which exist in the British Museum*, India Officef and other libraries. The Asafya Library, Hyderabad, also possesses several copies of the work and one of them (No. 401) to which I shall frequently refer in this paper is most accurately written and comprises 337 pages (12' x7' ; 24 lines in each page).$ This history does not give the exact date of Sultan Quli’s accession, but it shows that the ceremony was held after Sultan Quli had completed the Fort of Muhammadnagar (Golkonda). To quote the words of the Qutb Shahi historian, as rendered into English by Briggs—

“ It appears from all the Deccan histories that when Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk had laid the foundation of the city of Makomednuggur ( Golconda ) § and that all the different chiefs such as Adil Khan of Beejapoore, Nizam-ool-Moolk of Ahmudnuggur, etc..

• fttolpptt of Rtnloa MSS. in th© Bri tiafti M wun, Vol. I, p. 351* t CMbfcftt* of P» P»un MSS. in eke India Often Library, OOlUMM 175-79.

X Th»* work mm lion * another history of tho Qotb Shahi period which deals with the reign of tho first fcw kinp. It Is called Marghubw. 1-Qulub and was compUod by Sadr i Jahan. UnfortemaWly no copy of this book ia trvcablo now. Cf. Aaafya library M*. No. 401, pp. 33 and SI i and fr#, Hi, pp. 340, 353, c4c.

| m Hail computed tho construction of tha Port of ia a core accurate translation of the test. Vid* Hyderabad MB., p 53.

93

had declared their titles as kings, the officers of his Government, recommended him to ascend the throne and proclaim himself king of Tulingana, saying they had no one else whom they acknowledged as such. As these representations came in support of several lettere to the same purport, sent by Yoosoof Adil Shah and Ahmud Nizam Shah, Sooltan Koolly consented to ascend the throne in due form, and issued his mandate that the public worship should be read in the name of the twelve Imams throughout his territory. He was accordingly proclaimed king under the title of Sooltan Koolly Kootb Shah."*

The allusion to the construction of the Fort occurs in the text simultaneously with the building of the city of Golkonda and the author among the various grand and noble buildings erected to adorn the city makes special mention of a Jami‘ Masjid. He writes —

“ The architects — a match to Maani f in artistic taste — designed a Jarni* Masjid on one side of the royal palaces, and completed its construction in a short time."J

The Jami' Masjid referred to here is unmistakably the mosque, the inscription of which is noticed above. It. is situated on a side of the royal palaces near the citadel and is called the Jami* Masjid to this day— thus completely answering the description given in the Qutb Shahi history. In view of the above data it seems to be probable that the fort and the city of

• Brin,, iil, pp. XSJ-M. »*<1 Hj*r»b*i MS.. J«t* M M. t A CfeiMta paint* f ol grtait reput*, wta* oamo frvelj oeoun in Fenian literature.

t Hyderabad MS., p. 66

93

Golkonda were built about 924 A.H. (the date of the erection of the Jami‘ Maajid), and that Sultan Quli proclaimed himself king about the same time.

Now to show that thia date of Sultan Quli’a accession (924 A.H.) can be upheld on other ground* as well, I venture to put forward the folk) wing facts *

(1) Sultan Quli joined the service of Mahmud Shah Bahmani in 1490 A.D.* The latter much ap- preciated the courage and valour of the young Turk and ' treated him as his own child.’ Sultan Quli on his part proved himself a most loyal and devoted servant of his royal master— saving his life and empire at great personal risk on several occasional-, and eveT holding allegianoe to Mahmud Shah. To sup- port the last statement I may once more quote the Qutb Shahi historian—

" Fifthly, Sooltan Koolly Kootb-ool-Moolk, who still (when Nizamu-l-.Mulk, 'Adil Shah, Imadu-1- Mulk and Qasim Barid had declared their independ- ence) continued his allegiance to the shadow of royalty which remained, retained possession of the province of Tuling&na, making Golkonda his seat of government.^”

Further —

" Sodr-i-Jehan, the author of the Murghoob-ool- Koolloob, says, he himself heard Sooltan Koolly

• SuIiaxi QoIi'b node Amir Quli Irfl India at the death o I Amir Vaqob Aq Qoyunfc, whfch oreurrtd in 1490 A.D. Sultan Quli joined toe o I Mahmud Shah after hit uncle left India. Arffpt.iiJ, p.

f IKd. pp. 343. 14«. 347, 149 and 351; and Hyderabad MS., pp 3*. 40 and 43.

J i^Vp».iii,153,and 0* Hyderabad M8.,pp. fil-52.

94

Kootb-ool-Moolk state that although invited by Kasim Be reed and Futteh Oolla Imad-ool-Moolk to seize by violence the Bahmuny diatricte in the vici- nity of hiB government, he always refused* to do ao.”f

In view of these statementa, it appears extremely probable that Sultan Quli did not declare hia independence during the life time of his patron and royal master Mahmud Shah, considering it an act of ungratefulness.

(2) Mahmud Shah Bahmani died in 924 A.H. (1518 A.D.)J, and as about this time the Barid Shahis between whom and Sultan Quli no love was lost, had gained complete ascendency at Bidar, the latter, probably found it a suitable occasion to pro- claim himself king.

These facts coupled with the statement that Sultan Quli assumed regal titles after he had built the fort and the city of Golkonda, and the date given in the Jami' Mas j id inscription, almost conclusively prove that Sultan Quli’s accession took place some time in 924 A.H. (1518 A.D.), and not in 018 A.H. (1512 A.D.) as recorded by Firishtah through lack of authentic information.

• T%* IVraien word ored in the text i» warn* fcsronw, 1 bring not live to (W tolt.* Sultan Quli considered it an act erf e it re me disloyalty to eggrwtit* hie power by the redarUon erf hie master'* territory. Cf. HydermUd MS., pp. 61-52.

f Bri",, ill, «-

% Tfc# Qutb VKw hi historian in this esse, vnfortunstoly give* t wrong dot*. 912 A H. (I5»« A.D.), Although the Ago (47 joafs) And period of reign <37 jr*n) of Mahmud Shuh aa given by the ebore* historian At# absolutely correct. TV date 924 A H. it wnAnitMiuely ewppovtod hr con- temporary writrri and it is abo corroborated by tbr Golkoodn inscription. Bhw U, p.

Miscellaneous.

Date of 'Abdullah Qutb Shah’s Death.

The real date of the death of ‘Abdullah Qutb Shah, Sultan of Golkonda, which wax discussed at the 7th September, 1917, meeting of the Society (vide this Journal, 1917, pp. 80-82) can be fixed beyond doubt from contemporary English factory records now preserved in the India Office, London, extracts from which have recently reached me.

The Mughal official history, the Maasir-i-' Alam- giri, p. 143, states that the death of ‘Abdullah was reported to the Emperor Aurangzib, on 29 Sha'ban, 1086 A.H. (8 Nov., 1675, old style). The date of death inscribed on the King's tomb in 3 Muharram, 1083 (21st Apiil, 1672).

Now, President W. Langhorne of the English factory of Fort St. George, writes to the Company on the dates 16th December 1672, and 13, 17 and 27 January 1673,— ‘ The Moores upon the decease of the old King, old Nabob and most of the old Counsel lours, all about the same tyme in Aprill last, and succession of the younger Mirza husband to the King's youngest of three daughters, but some- thing of the Blood Koyall, etc.,” (Orig. correspondence. No. 3721).

This proves that ‘Abdullah died and was suc- ceeded by his youngest son-in-law Abul Hasan

90

(who claimed to be connected with the blood-royal through his mother), in April 1672.

Next, we have a letter from the English factory at Maaulipatam to the Company, dated 25th August 1673, which describes the affairs at Golkonda sub- eequent to “ the decease of the late King and the accession of a young Arabian Prince related to him by marriage with his daughter,” — meaning Abul Hasan. ( Original correspondence, No. 3838).

I can account for the mistake in the Maarir- i-'Alamgiri only by supposing that, as this book was written forty years after the event, the Delhi Pad- shahi archives on which it is baaed were in a state of disorder consequent on the decline and trouble following Aurangzib’s death, or that certain events of one year of the long reign of Aurangzib were transferred to another year through the ovemigijt. of the compiler of the Maasir-i-'Alatngiri. (But the latter supposition cannot explain the difference of month).

Jadunath Sarkar.

University Professor of History,

Benares.

Nik* — Th* ©pitaph on 'Abdullah Qutbahah'o grave ia the on I j •ource wbcb iwrmahca the tract del* ot lb* King'o dewiiee (Epigraph in Indo- M04 icawu, 1907-8, p. 1'6). Awl although it hao been corroborated (to tbo extent ol month and yw) by lb* India Office record*. Prof. Sarkar •ae dm U> auaak woo m imporUaw to tb© indirect but oorroboratire « video©* ol t be latter than U I be direct and him* of the *futeph which, ao far aa we know, m quite correct.

The MautXir i 'AUimfiry gireo the date when tbc newa wai oommoni- cuUd to Aurangtcb, but dcct not aupply tbc date of tbo occurrence of the ©rent iteetf. Tbo vannua raaaona why the newi of ‘Abdullah a death could not be communicate to the Mughal emperor immediately are given in the laat number of tbo Journal (pp. 81-2).

Editor,

Proceedings of the Hyderabad Archeeological Society, 1917-18.

6th April, 1917.

A meeting of the Council of the Society was held ; hie day at the Town Hall, the following members 1 eing present : —

L Th» Bco'Ur Mr. 8. M. Fr*»r. C.I.B. (in (ke oh*ir).

t M. A. N. Hvd»n. E*q.

J. O. B. C. Wakefield, Eaq.

4. RoMXtMd.Eaq.

8. PrttHH.nl 8. 0. Yntdnni, Khj.

(2) (a) The regulations printed below were framed for the award of the Pinhcy Memorial Medal

Regulations.

(i) The ‘Pinhey Memorial Gold Medal' shall be awarded triennially for the best work on Deccan Archeology or History, in accordance with the sub- joined conditions.

(ii) The competition shall be open to scholars in any part of the world.

(iii) Competitors shall aubmit a thesis on any subject chosen by themaelves relating to Deccan

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Archeology or History. The thesis should be an unpublished work or, if published, it should not have been published more than two years before its sub- mission for the Pinhey Medal.

(iv) Theses for the first competition will be received up to the end of October 1918, and subse- quently in the October of every year, i.e., in October 1921, 1924, and so on.

(v) If the selected thesis is an unpublished work, the Society, at the recommendation of the Council, shall have the right to publish it in the Society’s Journal.

(vi) If in the opinion of the Council none of the theses submitted in any year are of special value, the Medal shall not be awarded in that year.

(vh) If the thesis is written in any language other than English, the competitor shall furniah an English translation thereof.

(b) Resolved that copies of these regulations be forwarded to eminent scholars and oriental institu- tions, and that they also be published in the Journals of learned societies.

(c) Further, it was decided that a copy of the regulations be sent to Lady Pinhey and that she be requested kindly to furnish the Society with a pro- file portrait of the late Sir Alexander Pinhey for the Medal.

(d) Resolved that tenders be invited for making a die of the Pinhey Medal. Any tendere that may be received will be laid before the Council at the next meeting.

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(3) The question of housing Dr. E. H. Hunt’s collection of antiquities was discussed, and it was decided that suitable furniture for the accommoda- tion of the antiquities be purchased out of Rs. 10,000 grant sanctioned by His Highness’ Government for the purchase of books and almirahs. For the selec- tion and purchase of the furniture a committee consisting of the following gentlemen was appointed

1. M. A. S. Kei|

2. Dr. B. H. II ant.

3. G. Yaidnni, E»i[.

Vh September.

A meeting of the Council of the Society was held this day at the Town Hall. The following were present : -

1. the Uun'bU Ur. S. M- Krwer. tSI. C.LE. On tit. ilmir].

2. U. A. N Hjdwi. Em).

3- C. I£. C. W»h»n..l.i. K.q

1. Fakhruddio Ahmad Khan.

A Karamat ITIah Khan. Emj.

6. Dr. E. H. Hunt.

7. P. A. BhaonAnl. Esq.

8. G. Yatdani, E»q.

(2) The following were elected members of the Society

I. hayy*d Xltahiu-J-iJin. Esq.

Nawab Mahmud Alt Kban.

(3) Dr. E. H. Hunt suggested that, as some officers at Secunderabad and Rolarum are interested in the work of the Society and are anxious to attend its meetings but cannot join as members on account

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of the uncertainty of their stay in this locality, in future whenever a paper of special interest is to be read, notice of the meeting should be put on the notice boards of the following institutions : —

L Nii*a» Colk«*.

2. Nium Club.

3. Deeeoc dob.

4. $*cund«r*U»d Club.

It was resolved to act accordingly.

(4) The plans of the furniture for Dr. E. Hunt's collection of antiquities, with the estimates submitted by Messrs. Edwards & Co., were examined and the drawings approved. It was resolved that the approv- ed plans be shown to Messrs. Wrenn Bennett A; Co., and if their tenders are not more than 5 per cent, in excess, the work should be entrusted to them. Failing such an arrangement some other local firms may be tried.

(5) (a) The Secretary read a letter from Mr. Allan G. Wyon stating that the cost of a pair of dies for the Pinhey Memorial Medal bearing on one side a profile portrait of the late Sir Alexander Pinhey and on the other a wreath with inscription, would be about £63. The cost of a gold modal 1 j' in diameter, inclu- sive of Morocco case would be £8 8s. Resolved that before entrusting the order for the preparation of the dies to Mr. Allan G. Wyon, the estimate for a die submitted by another English firm to the Director-General of Revenue be scrutinized.

(6) The Secretary also read a letter from Lady Pinhey in which she. kindly agreed to send a profile portrait of the late Sir Alexander for the prepara- tion of the Medal. Resolved that if the tender of Mr. Wyon after comparison with that of the other

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firm, mentioned above, is found to be reasonable, Lady Pinhey may be asked to make over the portrait to Mr. Wyon direct.

(0) For the purchase of books and for the ma- nagement of the Library a committee of the following gentlemen was constituted : —

P. H. Sftwg*,

Dr. B. II. Hunt.

G. Yaftdaiii, Esq

Mr. P. H. Sturgc is not a member of the Society, but his great experience and wide knowledge in the matter of books would make his assistance of great value. It was resolved, therefore, that he be asked to kindly act on the committee.

(7) Tbe Secretary suggested that owing to the rapid increase in the correspondence of the 8ociety with scholar* and learned bodies it was desirable that a clerk be appointed who would also look after the Joan of books from the Library. Resolved that as the need of a whole time man is not absolute as yet, the Society may pay an allowance of Rs. 15 to the Manager of the Town Hall furniture, who is to be appointed by the Public Works Department shortly.

A general meeting of the Society also was held this day, the following being present

•rim He® Me Mr. S. M. Fr»«*r N»w*l> Intd-ul-Mulk lfcbftdnr.

M. A. N. HxUri, E»q.

G. B. C. WikafickJ. E»q. Fakhrad-dia Alnn*d KUn, Eiq. Dr. K. H. Hunt.

Mftjnr Khvtrau Jaa$.

K*r*m»t nUh Kh*n« Eeq.

P. A. BUunani. Eiq. lUf. tiufotnn Harris

CM., C4.E. <lo lb* chair). Dr 8. MaUaona.

Dr. R. >*. Coorfeffal*.

Gbolmm Khan Eiq.

Kkurifcjd MiTZA. Eiq.

H. W. SUweroM, B*q. Abdur Rahman Kitan, Esq. A. G. Me Clay, Esq.

G. Yazdam, Eaq.

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(2) Mr. A. G. McClay read a paper on Mon&ieur Raymond of Hyderabad, which was illustrated by some photographs. A discussion followed in which several members joined. Nawab Imad-ul-Mulk observed that the popular belief that the Maisaram Regiment was named after M. Raymond is not cor- rect; the regiment, took its name from the place where it was first recruited. The President in thank- ing Mr. A. G. McClay for his interesting paper, re- marked that it dealt, purely from the historical side, with a critical period in the history of the Deccan : it was the time from which the ruler of Hyderabad could lay claim to the title of “Our faithful Ally.” Had French influence continued to be predominant in the Court of the Nizam, the history of subsequent events would not have been as we know them. Ray- mond had built up the French power in these parts, and the activities of his career have been recorded ; but no attempt has been made to explain the secret of his wonderful hold on the affections of the people generally. The President suggested that Mr. McClay should try to gather some information, from local traditions and family recollections, on this joint.

\lth October 1917.

A meeting of the Society was held this day at the Town Hall, the President being in the chair and about forty members present. The Secretary read a paper on the temples at Palampet. A discus- sion followed in which the President, Messrs. Wake- field and Karamat Ulah Khan, and the lecturer took part. The paper was illustrated by some j>hoto- graphs and drawings.

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9tJi March, 1918.

A meeting of the Council of the Society was held this day in the Society’s rooms at the Town Hall. The following were present : —

Sir awl Finer, K.C.B.I., C.TJL (to thetUir).

M. 1. H. OUucy. B«|.. C.I.E. R. H. Hunt, K»i.

M. A. X. Hy'iiri. E«q. lUremal UlUh Khw>, K*q.

Q. E. C. WnkeflcM, Eeq G. YaJdaai, Eeq-

Fakir-oildm Ahmad Khao, Ewj.

(2) The following gentlemen were elected as Ordinary Members of the Society : —

(1) Taodit Una Natd Slaaitn, (3) Sayjid Haahinu, £aq.

M.A., M.O.L., elr. (4) HanOd ttttln. E»q., BjA.

(2) M H. Qai». Km|.p B A. <$) A. Eaq., M.A.

f «ala. » <tj IljfM Barani, Eaq-, M.A.

(3) The Secretary read a letter from Mr. P. H. Sturge, stating that he would be glad to give help in selecting books for the Society’s library. Resolved that Mr. Stnrge’s advice be sought in the purchase of books.

(4) The estimates for the dies of the Pinhey Memorial Medal received from Mr. Allan Wyon , and Messrs. W. and A. K. Johnston were scrutinized and as the charges of the latter firm were found moderate it was decided that they may be entrusted with the work of the preparation of the dies.

(5) The Secretary put up the draft of a letter to Lady Pinhey, requesting her to make over a profile portrait of the late Sir Alexander Pinhey to Messrs. W. and A. K. Johnston, for the preparation of dies. The draft was approved and it was resolved that the letter be issued under the signature of the President.

(0) A letter from Messrs. Bennett, Coleman & Co. was read in which the firm had referred to

104

two bills which were overdue. One of them amount- ing to B. G. Rs. 200 related to the *200 reprints of Dr. E. H. Hunt's paper on ‘ Hyderabad cairns’. As the reprints were prepared at the express request of Dr. E. H. Hunt, he agreed to settle the bill direct. The other bill related to the preparation of certain blocks to be inserted in Dr. E. H. Hunt’s second paper on Hyderabad pie-historic antiquities. The President observed that as Dr. Hunt's paper will be published in the Society’s Journal, the bill of Mesiiro. Bennett, Coleman k Co. be paid by the Society.

On Tuesday, a general meeting of the Society also was held : Mr. Ilyas Barani, M.A., LL.B., read a paper on “ Life and labour in ancient India.” A discussion followed in which the President, Mr. M. A. N. Hydari and the speaker took part. In this meeting Mr. G. E. C. Wakefield, too, was to give a short discourse on the antiquities which he had collect- ed during a tour in the Paloncha Taluqa. As Mr. Barani s paper occupied most of the time, Mr. Wake- field postponed his discourse but the antiquities were exhibited. The most interesting of them was a stone coffin, a huge monolith weighing several tons, and some coloured drawings which proved that the graves from which Mr. Wakefield had collected the antiquities were of the * Cromlech ’ type.

15th April, 1918.

A general meeting of the Society was held this day at the Town Hall. Rev. E. W. Thompson of Bangalore gave a lantern slide lecture on “ Old Mesopotamia,” which was extremely interesting.

Prated Vj E. C. •* «*• Tmm Pr—a. Brtntay, and publiakad hj

C. Yu4**J. >7